Kevin Fox Gotham
Associate Dean of Academic
Affairs, School of Liberal Arts (SLA)
Professor of Sociology
102 Newcomb Hall
Tulane University
New Orleans, LA 70118
Phone: (504) 862-3004
Fax: (504) 865-5544
Email: kgotham@tulane.edu
Areas of Research and Teaching Specialty:
Urban Sociology
Sociology of Culture
Social Theory
Race and Ethnicity
Stratification and Inequality
Political Sociology
Comparative-Historical Sociology
Social Control and Criminology
Last updated: 12/08/2009
Education Record:
Ph.D., Sociology, University of Kansas, 1997
M.A., Sociology, University of Kansas, 1992
B.A., Sociology, University of Kansas, 1990
Professional Appointments
2008-present, Associate Dean of Academic Affairs, School of Liberal Arts (SLA), Tulane University
2008-present, Professor of Sociology, Tulane University
2006-2008, Program Director, National Science Foundation (NSF), Sociology, Political Science, and Law and Social Science (LSS) Programs
2003-2008, Associate Professor of Sociology, Tulane University
2004, Visiting
Professor, L’Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), Paris,
France
1997-2003, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Tulane University
See my curriculum vitae for a comprehensive list
of professional appointments, publications, awards and honors, presentations,
committee memberships, courses taught, and so on.
My research and teaching interests encompass the areas of social theory, urban
sociology, historical sociology, economic sociology, sociology of culture,
political sociology, and the sociology of law and public policy. In the past, I have examined the segregative
effect of federal housing programs, the racially discriminatory aspects of post
World War II urban planning, and the negative effect of neighborhood racial
composition on mortgage lending (e.g., redlining). I have also
investigated racial conflicts over federal efforts to locate low-income housing
in suburban areas, the role of community identity in the emergence of a local
anti-expressway movement, the negative consequences of the market-centered
orientation of federal housing policy, and the impact of real estate
blockbusting on neighborhood racial transition.
I have also published a series of articles with colleagues that examine
the links between the built environment of public housing and the symbolic
meanings that people attach to spaces in the city. Here is a list of past publications:
Political Opportunity, Community Identity, and the Emergence of a Local Anti-Expressway Movement. Social Problems. 46(3): 332-54. August 1999.
Abstract Space, Social Space, and the Redevelopment of Public Housing (with Jon Shefner and Krista Brumley). Pp. 313-35 in Critical Perspectives on Urban Redevelopment. Volume Six of Research in Urban Sociology. Elsevier Press. 2001.
Using Space: Agency and Identity in a Public Housing Development (with Krista Brumley). City and Community. 1(3): 267-89. Fall 2002.
Toward an Understanding the Spatiality of Urban Poverty: The Urban Poor as Spatial Actors. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 27(3): 723-37. Sept. 2003.
Other research I have been
involved in explores the impact of city revitalization efforts and pro-growth
strategies on metropolitan development and neighborhood socio-economic
stability. Some of this later research
informs my edited volume on urban redevelopment, Critical Perspectives on Urban Redevelopment (Elsevier Press,
2001). See my introduction (“Urban Redevelopment: Past
and Present”) and my conclusion (Urban
Redevelopment for Whom and for What Purpose: A Research Agenda for the Twenty
First Century”).
My book, Race, Real Estate, and
Uneven Development: The
Urban Space, Restrictive Covenants, and the Origin of Racial Residential Segregation in a U.S. City, 1900-1950. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 24(3): 616-33. September 2000.
Separate And Unequal: The Housing Act of 1968 and HUD’s Section 235 Program. Sociological Forum. 15(1): 13-37. March 2000.
A City Without Slums: Urban Renewal, Public Housing, and Downtown Revitalization in Kansas City, Missouri. American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 60(1): 285-316. January 2001 (also reprinted in City and Country. Edited by Laurence S. Moss. 2001. Blackwell (pp. 285-316)).
Missed Opportunities, Enduring Legacies: School Segregation and Desegregation in Kansas City, Missouri. American Studies. 43 (2): 5-41. Summer 2002.
Beyond Invasion and Succession: School Segregation, Real Estate Blockbusting, and the Political Economy of Neighborhood Racial Transition. City and Community. 1(1): 83-111. Winter 2002.
Current Research Agendas:
1. Mortgage Markets and
the Globalization of Real Estate
One research agenda centers on the globalization of the U.S. real estate industry and, in particular, the institutional and political changes that have occurred in the financing of real estate over the last few decades. Theoretically, I am interested in explaining how a spatially fixed commodity like real estate is transformed into a liquid security that buyers and sellers in different places can understand and exchange. Empirically, I examine the impact of state laws, charters, and regulations in the expansion of the secondary mortgage market, the creation of the commercial mortgage-backed securities market, and the development of real estate investment trusts (REITs). Overall, my analysis highlights how the state activity shapes the development of global real estate flows and networks of activity through the creation and control of liquid resources. These concerns are highlighted in my award winning American Journal of Sociology (AJS) article, “The Secondary Circuit of Capital Reconsidered: Globalization and the U.S. Real Estate Sector” (July 2006). In another paper, published in the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research (IJURR), “Creating Liquidity Out of Spatial Fixity: The Secondary Circuit of Capital and the Evolving Subprime Mortgage Crisis” (June 2009), I investigate the origin and demise of the New Deal housing system, examine the impact of deregulation initiatives in the 1970s and later, and analyze the development of new housing policies and financing mechanisms since the 1980s. The production and financing of real estate and housing connect to wider economic and social processes, including transformations in the political economy of capitalism, state regulatory policy, and the political power of interest groups. Broadly, my research examines the multi-decade restructuring of the U.S. housing finance system, and the causes and consequences of the subprime mortgage crisis.
2. Race, Culture, and the Political Economy of Tourism
My book, Authentic New
Orleans: Race, Culture, and Tourism in the Big Easy (New York University (NYU) Press, 2007) illuminates
the interlocking nature of conflicts over race, culture, and authenticity in
New Orleans and traces historically how tourism practices have displayed and
articulated these conflicts (check it out: http://www.nyupress.org/books/Authentic_New_Orleans-products_id-5146.html). My historical narrative spans almost two
centuries and is built from archival sources, government documents,
ethnographic data, and qualitative interviews.
My book begins in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina amid the whirlwind
of speculation about the rebuilding of the city and the dread of outsiders
wiping
Tourism From Above and Below: Globalization, Localization, and New Orleans’s Mardi Gras. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 29(2). June 2005.
Theorizing Urban Spectacles: Festivals, Tourism, and the Transformation of Urban Space. City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action. 9(2). July 2005.
Tourism Gentrification: The Case of New Orleans’s Vieux Carre (French Quarter). Urban Studies. 42(7): 1099-1121. June 2005.
Marketing Mardi Gras: Commodification, Spectacle, and the Political Economy of Tourism in New Orleans. Urban Studies. 39(10): 1735-56. September 2002.
Destination New Orleans: Commodification, Rationalization, and the Rise of Urban Tourism. Journal of Consumer Culture. 7(3). November 2007.
Contrasts of Carnival: Mardi Gras Between the Modern and Postmodern. Illuminating Social Life (4th edition). Edited by Peter Kivisto. Pine Forge Press. 2007.
Selling New Orleans To New Orleans: Tourism Authenticity and the Construction of Community Identity. Tourist Studies. 7(3): 317-339. 2007.
From Culture Industry to the Society of the Spectacle: Critical Theory and the Situationist International. (Co-authored with Dan Krier). No Social Science Without Critical Theory. Edited by Harry Dahms. Current Perspectives in Social Theory. 2008. Vol. 25.
In a forthcoming article in Urban Studies (“Resisting Urban Spectacle: The 1984 Louisiana Exposition and the Contradictions of Mega-Events,” January 2011), I examine the contradictory meanings and effects of the 1984 Louisiana World Exposition held in New Orleans, the last World’s Fair staged in the United States. As the only U.S. world’s fair to declare bankruptcy, the 1984 Louisiana Exposition foreshadowed an emerging era of intensified community skepticism toward elite pronouncements of the beneficial aspects of mega-events and other tourism-oriented urban redevelopment strategies in U.S. cities. Mega-events or “hallmark” or “landmark” events are large-scale spectacles that have a dramatic character, mass popular appeal, and international significance. Unlike local festivals or small-scale tourist attractions, mega-events like the Olympics, the World Cup, and World’s Fairs are associated with costly investments in infrastructure development, extensive and intensive formal planning, and the use of sophisticated revitalization strategies for urban re-imaging. As a site of struggle and contestation, the 1984 Exposition was bound up with the promotion of an African American identity that fed into local mobilizations to subvert the stigma of blackness and claim new bases of cultural authenticity. Against accounts that view mega-events as instruments of hegemonic power, my research advances of a conception of mega-events as arenas of contestation that embody contradictory tendencies and articulate conflictual and opposing meanings of urban space and reality. Rather than obscuring and camouflaging urban problems, mega-events like world’s fairs express the politics of inclusion and exclusion to the extent that they put on display social inequalities and antagonisms.
In studying the evolution of the modern tourism sector, I am interested in how Convention and Visitors Bureaus (CVBs) attempted to build local cultures, cultural networks, and local traditions. CVBs both shape their surroundings and are shaped by them; therefore, my treatment of CVBs in the United States probes both how forces in American society supported and constrained the evolution of CVBs, and how the growing number and variety of CVBs promoted community-building and cultural invention. My basic agenda follows a longstanding assumption in the sociology of organizations that formal organizations are the basic building blocks of local culture and modern societies. They wield tremendous power and distribute innumerable benefits. All interests – economic, political, and cultural – are pursued through organizations. Therefore, to understand the development and evolution of local culture and modern cities, we must understand organizations. CVBs are particularly powerful organizations. As information providers, CVBs transmit facts, opinions, entertainment, and cultural material about cities. As industry builders, CVBs unite diverse businesses - hotels and motels, restaurants, airlines, travel agencies, and so - into a loosely organized network where actors can interact, identify goals, and engage in strategic planning. In the last half century, CVBs have played major roles in rationalizing convention and visitor services by establishing formal rules and procedures for long-range planning and coordination of convention meetings, the solicitation of bid proposals, and provision of logistical assistance to airlines, hotels, and other tourism organizations. I am currently investigating how CVBs evolved over the twentieth century not only in terms of numbers and size, but also in terms of variety, location, and influence. I seek to make three contributions: (1) trace the evolving diversity of CVBs and reveal the interplay between forces driving variation and forces driving similarity; (2) connect the evolution of CVBs to their historical context, thus making the study of organizations more sensitive to time and place; and (3) demonstrate how CVBs shape cities and local culture, thus redirecting the attention of organizational scholars to culture, power, and inequality.
2. Post-disaster Recovery and Rebuilding in New York
and New Orleans
At present, I am working with Miriam Greenberg (Assist. Prof., Sociology, University of California, Santa Cruz) on a comparative historical analysis of the political, economic, and cultural effects of the recovery and rebuilding process in New York and New Orleans following the 9/11 disaster and devastation wrought by Hurricane Katrina. We have a book contract from Oxford University Press. During the 1970s and 1980s, both cities experienced major fiscal crises, retrenchment in social services, and increasing poverty and disinvestment. By the 1990s, both cities were seeking to attract a new economy of finance, real estate, and tourism investment. Over the last decade or so, the two cities have embraced a strategy of tax cuts, private-sector led regeneration, market deregulation, and intensive city branding to enhance their image as places of entertainment and tourism. Our goal is to identify similarities and differences in the organization and influence of public-private coalitions, urban branding strategies, and federal-local connections in the recovery and rebuilding phases of both cities. The path-dependent nature of urban restructuring, the two cities’ vulnerability to disasters, divergences in the depth and longevity of the post-disaster crises, and the unequal impacts of these crises are the major topics of our analysis. In our Social Forces article, we analyze the form, trajectory, and problems of reconstruction in the two cities with special emphasis on the implementation of the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program, the Liberty Zone and the Gulf Opportunity Zone, and tax-exempt private activity bonds to finance and promote reinvestment. Drawing on a variety of data sources, we show that New York and New Orleans have become important laboratories for entrepreneurial city and state governments seeking to use post-disaster rebuilding as an opportunity to push through far reaching neoliberal policy reforms. The emphasis on using market-centered approaches for urban recovery and rebuilding in New York and New Orleans should be seen not as coherent or sustainable responses to urban disaster but rather as deeply contradictory restructuring strategies that are intensifying the problems they seek to remedy. I also have focused on the spectacular nature of urban disasters and the problems and difficulties of post-Katrina tourism rebuilding in New Orleans. These concerns are alluded to in the following papers:
“From 9/11 to 8/29: Post-Disaster Recovery and Rebuilding in New York and New Orleans” in Social Forces (December 2008)
“(Re)Branding the Big Easy: Tourism Rebuilding in Post-Katrina New Orleans” in Urban Affairs Review (July 2007)
“Fast Spectacle: Reflections on Hurricane Katrina and the Contradictions of Spectacle” in Fast Capitalism (Fall 2007; Vol. 2, No. 20).
“Critical Theory and Katrina: Disaster, Spectacle, and Immanent Critique.” City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action. 11(1): 81-99. April 2007.
3. Urban Trauma, Resilience, and Sustainable
Development
At present, I am working with scholars to establish an interdisciplinary network of researchers from Tulane University, Xavier University, and the University of New Orleans to conduct research on the dynamic interactions between people and natural ecosystems in the New Orleans region. In terms of its long history and current post-disaster rebuilding process, the New Orleans area offers a unique opportunity to generate knowledge about human-natural system interactions that individuals, groups, governments, and other organizations can use for disaster prevention and mitigation planning, maintenance and enhancement of environmental quality, and the development of urban redevelopment tools. In addition, New Orleans is currently experiencing very rapid and dramatic change as commercial, industrial, and residential sites rebuild in the aftermath of the devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Unlike many other urban ecosystems, in New Orleans, "pre" and "post" disaster experiments are possible. We have recently received an NSF award to study the post-disaster rebuilding process, and identify feedbacks and reciprocal effects among patterns of post-trauma urbanization, ecological consequences, and human responses (see abstract of the award).
Courses Taught
Soc. 710. Intermediate Social Theory (see Fall 2004
syllabus ) (see Fall 2003
syllabus )
Soc. 630. Urban Policy and Planning (see Spring
2005 syllabus, Spring
2003 syllabus, Spring 2002
syllabus )
Soc. 610. Urban Organization (see Spring 2000
syllabus )
Soc. 322. Social Theory (see Fall 2009 syllabus,
Fall 2008 syllabus, Spring
2005 syllabus, Fall 2004
syllabus, Spring
2003 syllabus, Spring 2002
syllabus )
Soc. 206 Urban Sociology (see Fall 2002 syllabus,
Fall 2001
syllabus )
Some of my favorite web sites include:
American
Sociological Association
CorpWatch
Fast Capitalism
International Sociological Association
Community and Urban Sociology
Comparative and Historical
Sociology
Urban Affairs Association
Society for the Study of Social Problems