# # # # SPECIAL EXTRA-LONG "ACCORD" & OCCUPATION ISSUE # # # # * * * HAITI INFO * * * News direct from the people and organizations of Haiti's grassroots democratic movement 23 September 1994, Vol. 2, #26 Contents: FULL MILITARY OCCUPATION - After Three Years, U.S. Achieves Its Goal THE "ACCORD" - T he Final Instrument [Text of the Accord] HAITIAN ARMY: DOCILE INSTRUMENT OF U.S. HEGEMONY HYPOCRISY OF PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON EXPOSED A Review of the Three-day Build-up, the Contradictions and Lies "HUMAN RIGHTS CHAMPION" PROMOTES HAITI'S TORTURERS TOUGH ECONOMIC "ADJUSTMENT" PLANNED The stories: FULL MILITARY OCCUPATION - After Three Years, U.S. Achieves Its Goal PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 22 - After three years of turmoil in Haiti and maneuvering in Washington, the U.S. imperialist forces - personified by the actual occupying troops but including everyone from President Bill Clinton to the Central Intelligence Agency - accomplished their goal. For the second time this century, Haiti is in the midst of a full-fledged military occupation, complete with a military "governor," a foreign army with local "apprentices," a political plan and an economic policy. [See accompanying articles.] A Long Time Coming The necessity for a military intervention and occupation arose when the forces behind the coup d'etat - in the U.S. at agencies like the CIA as well as in Port-au-Prince - realized that the Haitian democratic and popular movement would not accept the brutal coup d'etat against President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the democratic process here. The steadfast resistance of the people, despite the brutal and targeted repression, led to a growing international support from peoples and solidarity groups around the world and thus the inevitability of President Aristide's return. This created a problem which could only be resolved one way - an occupation with accompanying programs which would provide the necessary control and would help bring Haiti back in line with the rest of the region, whose countries have adopted a formal democracy dominated by the local business sectors and the elite, neoliberal economic planning and have accepted to follow the dictates of the U.S. Haiti Info began discussing the possibility of a direct intervention in January of 1993, when it became obvious that the second illegal civilian regime, led by U.S.-favorite and former presidential candidate Marc L. Bazin, was not being accepted by the Haitian people or the international community. In April, Clinton hinted that "peace-keeping forces" might be necessary and in May (v.1, #19 and #20), Haiti Info showed the vehement oppposition to intervention from leaders in the democratic and popular movement. After the Governor's Island accord was signed, the possibility faded into the background, but only temporarily, as the U.S. jockeyed for position with the U.N. and some of the "four friends," most notably Canada and France. When the U.S. unilaterally ordered the Harlan County to turn around on Oct. 11, 1993, it took one step away from a multilateral intervention and one step closer to what it wanted - a U.S. intervention and occupation. The "Port-au-Prince accord" was the final instrument needed to bring about the occupation. Clinton also needed a way to resolve internal political problems and even coined a new phrase for the imperialist vocabulary - "pacific intervention." Help Achieving Its Goals The U.S. did not achieve its "pacific intervention" alone. The Haitian army readily cooperated, allowing the troops to move in and keeping their paramilitary forces and faux-nationalist allies quiet. [See "Haitian Army" story] The international community also played a role, despite private grumblings in Ottawa and Paris. The other three of the "four friends" (Canada, France, Venezuela) often bowed to U.S. pressure, stalling in the imposition of new sanctions, refraining from openly criticizing actions like the Harlan County's retreat and then approving U.N. Security Council Resolution 940. President Aristide and his entourage also contributed, never really distancing themselves from Washington, refusing to confront or criticize George Bush and Clinton, allowing the Haiti issue to be taken up by the Security Council in the first place, writing the letter enabling the 940 vote and finally, tacitly accepting the "Port-au-Prince accord." With these contributions and the final coup - the "accord" - U.S. imperialist forces were able to invade in the most favorable conditions possible and now have near-total control of the country and its near future. The U.S. army will oversee the parliamentary elections, U.S.-founded and -funded institutions will pay for and organize the campaigns and elections as well as "civic education," and U.S.-backed economists will organize the economy. Caputo, French Groups Protest The abrupt resignation of U.N. mediator Dante Caputo speaks volumes about the friction between the U.S. and the U.N. In his Sept. 19 letter and in later interviews, Caputo hinted at his inside version of the past three years' "diplomacy" when he noted the U.S. had a strictly "unilateral" course of action and that its "scenario" was planned long ago. He also said it was "scandalous" that the Haitian army officers - responsible for brutal crimes as well as numerous threats on his life - were now the "heroes of the film." That same day 30 French non-governmental organizations, including one run by Madame Danielle Mitterrand, denounced the U.S. role in Haiti and demanded France push for the U.N. mission to take over from the U.S. immediately. "France is running the risk of the establishment of another U.S. trusteeship in Haiti," the groups said. They also demanded that France donate to the U.N. mission a minimum of 1,000 people, rather than the 100 planned. Need for Solidarity With the U.S. occupation, the continued presence of the Haitian army and paramilitary forces and the planned economic and political programs, the suffering of the Haitian people is far from over. Now, more than ever, the democratic and popular movement needs solidarity. HAITIAN ARMY: DOCILE INSTRUMENT OF U.S. HEGEMONY PORT-AU-PRINCE, Sept. 23 - Despite Clinton's name-calling and the Haitian army's vow to "fight to the death," this week Haiti's armed forces facilitated the second military occupation of the country this century, becoming the virtual partner of the U.S. invading army, albeit the "junior" one. The military aspects of the occupation are still being mapped out, but U.S. officers have already announced their troops will conduct separate as well as joint patrols, and rather than disarm the Haitian soldiers as originally promised to the Haitian government, the U.S. military will put them on the payroll and register them and their weapons. Officials said they will "weed out" the human rights offenders later. (One of President Aristide's attorneys, Burton Wides, said this week that the U.S. military promised in writing to disarm the military as the first step in its occupation. "They've got four weeks to bump off as many of the people who might be helpful to the pro-democracy forces as they can in the coming elections," he said in the Los Angeles Times on Sept. 20. "It gives them another four weeks of the killing fields.") U.S. and Haitian officers, who say they are treating each other with "courtesy" and "mutual respect," meet every day to work out the "rules of engagement." According to reports so far, the U.S. troops will let the Haitian army lead the way in some neighborhoods, and, more astounding still, will allow Haitian soldiers to organize the supposed "disarmament" of the thousands of attaches and others they have armed over the past three years. (The groundwork for a relationship of "mutual respect" was laid by General Colin Powell, who said he appealed "to their sense of honor" during "long and painful conversations" about "What is best for the people of Haiti?" Powell was not bothered that Cedras' coup d'etat and his oversight of the brutal murder of some 5,000 people was not "best for the people of Haiti." Perhaps that is because his army has overseen massacres with much higher death tolls.) U.S. Clearly In Charge Despite the "courtesy" and "sense of honor," however, it is clearer every day just who is in charge here. U.S. flags now fly over the airport and military installations. Yesterday U.S. embassy spokesman Stanley Schrager said the relationship is not "cohabitation," but "cooperation," and that U.S. officers give "instructions" to Cedras on a daily basis. "We tell the Haitian military what we expect... We're the ones with 15,000 troops here," he said. Sheldon also assumed the posture of a military governor yesterday when he addressed the nation in Creole. He told journalists he and his forces were in Haiti "to ensure that law and order are maintained, to oversee the peaceful transfer of power and to facilitate the stability which will allow democracy and economic opportunity to flourish... not... to occupy your nation nor to choose sides in any Haitian disputes... Ladies and gentlemen, Haiti is your country, your nation... We are here to help you create an environment in which every Haitian can feel safe and secure, where there is hope for a better tomorrow, and where democracy and democratic institutions can flourish." After Tuesday's incident where a Haitian officer beat a coconut vendor to death before journalists and troops, the U.S. had to adjust its "hands-off" approach. U.S. General John Shalikashvili at first called the attack "Haitian-on-Haitian violence," but if the U.S. loses control of the Haitian army, the population or of U.S. public opinion, it may run the risk of not achieving its goals. As a result, there are now 1,000 military police who "police the police," and U.S. soldiers can now "use deadly force" to protect civilians. U.S. troops also reportedly arrested four Haitian soldiers Wednesday on unknown charges and announced that the Haitian "heavy weapons company" - made up of tanks, anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns and other weapons often used for coups - would be "rendered permanently inoperable." Despite their nationalist postures over the past months and years, Cedras, retired Judge Emile Jonassaint and a host of other so- called nationalists have kept silent as the U.S. forces moved into the posts and barracks. Understanding the Demonstrations The population, on the other hand, has reacted with spontaneous applause, cheering and massive impromptu demonstrations where thousands chant slogans like "Bring back Aristide!" and "We demand the arrest of Cedras!" The population's reactions - cheering and applause for the occupying troops - is a direct result of three years of accumulated frustration and rejection of the illegal regime; the ambiguity of President Aristide's position on the intervention; the influence of speeches like Sheldon's; leaflets with President Aristide's photograph and slogans; non-stop propaganda broadcast by patrolling helicopters, and ceaseless media coverage of the "liberators," all of which have influenced the Haiti people, which has a limited understanding of the objectives behind the occupation. "Cooperation" or Occupation? To those with an understanding of history, imperialism and U.S. geopolitical goals in the region, however, the goals of the occupation are not hard to discern, and the ease with which the two forces cooperate - as master and apprentice - comes as no great surprise. After all, the U.S. created Haiti's army during its previous occupation (1915-1934), and was a steady funder, teacher and supplier over the years and traditionally the sole foreign funder, which also gets almost half the country's national budget. Many Haitian officers, including Col. Michel Francois, have trained at the infamous "School of the Americas" at Fort Benning or in other U.S.-led programs. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency has also been involved with the Haitian military. Many high-ranking officers, including Lt. General Raoul Cedras (called "one of their "best assets" in the New York Times) have been on its payroll. The CIA also created the secret police unit, SIN (Service d'Intelligence National) in 1986, and refused to dismantle it when the Aristide administration requested. Long before the invasion and occupation occurred, intelligence and military planners were working on the intervention. An Oct. 3 article by Allan Nairn in The Nation, released on Sept. 15 (four days before troops landed), outlined some of the policies already being carried out, such as joint patrols between U.S. and Haitian soldiers. Nairn concluded that the U.S. would invade "to prevent the Haitian population from taking politics into its own hands and to forestall the danger of radical mass mobilization." Nairn described boatloads of riot-control gear and the resolve of U.S. planners to create a stable "democracy" and good business climate. Maj. Louis Kernisan of the Defense Intelligence Agency, who has worked at the embassy in Haiti (1989-1991) and will return to head the three-year training of the "new" Haitian police force, said: "Popular uprising? Under the watchful eye of 6,000 or 7,000 international observers? I doubt it. This is only the kind of shit they've been able to get away with when there is nobody watching... They tried that before and it brought them two years of embargo and their little guy in golden exile in the States." Nairn described the various methods U.S. agencies will be using to control the situation in Haiti - databanks on the democratic movement, police training, funding "moderate" groups, and so on, and predicted that the CIA and other agencies would use the occupation as an opportunity to infiltrate Haiti "more deeply than they have in years." Kernisan is more frank than many of his counterparts already deployed here: "Who are we going back to save! You're going to end up dealing with the same folks as before, the five families that run the country, the military and the bourgeoisie. They're the same folks that are supposed to be the bad guys now, but the bottom line is you know that you're always going to end up dealing with them because they speak your language, they understand your system, they've been educated in your country. It's not going to be the slum guy from Cite Soleil." Declarations like these need no comment. ABOUT HAITI INFO: * Haiti Info is published every two weeks in Haiti by the Haitian Information Bureau, an alternative news agency, and is edited by a group of committed individuals from democratic and popular sectors. * All articles Copyright HIB. REPRINTS ENCOURAGED. Please cite Haiti Info and send copies of usage. * Haiti Info is available by mail, by fax, and also electronically via computer. Subscription rates: Individuals E-mail in the Americas - US$20 elsewhere - US$35 Organizations E-mail in the Americas - US$70 elsewhere - US$90 [Those fees negotiable for journalists and non-profits] Write for more information, help for journalists, subscription costs for mail and fax: Haitian Information Bureau, c/o Lynx Air, Box 407139, Ft. Lauderdale, FL, 33340, USA. For electronic mail: hib@igc.apc.org. ** End of text from cdp:reg.carib **