* * * HAITI INFO * * * News direct from the people and organizations of Haiti's democratic and popular movement 13 January 1996, Vol. 4, #5 Note to E-mail subscribers: This is a special six-page issue with photographs. If you would like to receive it, please send a self-addressed envelope (with U.S. postage necessary to receive the envelope from a U.S. address, if possible) to the Lynx Air address at the end of the bulletin. Contents: Stories: "LAVALAS FOR FIVE YEARS" - OCCUPATION FOR SIX MORE YEARS ATTACKS ON ARISTIDE GIRL KILLED BY POLICE AS PEASANTS DEMAND POWER CONSTANT, DOSSIER STILL IN U.S. JEREMIE REPORT: IMPUNITY, HIGH PRICES & ANGER OVER 20 KILLED DURING FORCED REPATRIATIONS OCCUPATION'S "GOOD DEEDS" PRIVATIZATION: WILL ANYTHING CHANGE ON FEB. 7? FRANCE: WORKERS AGAINST LIBERALIZATION Popular Culture & Struggle: JOUDLAN (JANUARY 1) Special: 1995 - THE YEAR IN REVIEW Stories: "LAVALAS FOR FIVE YEARS" - OCCUPATION FOR SIX MORE YEARS PORT-AU-PRINCE, Jan. 12 - With little in its coffers, a strained relationship with its "donors" in Washington and the country marked by insecurity as well as instability as people continue to press their demands, Rene Preval is preparing to take over as president. Preval, 52, was elected with 87.9 percent of the votes in an election characterized by a very low turnout, 28 percent according to the Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP). The next closest contenders were Leon Jeune (2.5%) and Victor Benoit (2.3%). This week Preval took off on an 11-day tour of the provinces. He has said little about how he will run the country. In an interview in Libete this week, asked about the Prime Minister spot, he even appeared to be unsure of broad policy guidelines, saying he has yet chosen because "before we look for a driver, we have to see where we are going." Preval has made the standard promises (to fight corruption and waste, to collect more taxes) and has hinted he may stand up to ultra-liberal pressures (saying he wants to protect national agricultural production, for instance), but at the same time, he and his backers, the Lavalas platform headed by Gerard Pierre- Charles, appear to have little problem with following the same general policies of dependence agreed to in Paris in August, 1994. [See p. 5 also] Occupation to Continue In the meantime, in a closed-door meeting with U.N. and U.S. officials, this week Preval's government, represented by Mouvman Peyizan Papay's Chavannes Jean-Baptiste (who many times - in Haiti and abroad - has denounced the occupation) formally asked the U.N. to stay six more months. The U.N. said the Security Council will consider the request and then issue a new mandate. One reason is because the U.S. has announced it will not be part of the force, although it may maintain an "engineering" unit and "Rapid Response Force" if asked. "The U.S. military presence is not necessary," embassy spokesman Stanley Schrager said this week. "Haiti has other friends... I think there exists now a climate necessary for economic and political progress." The administration has several reasons to pull out. The "transition" from wild-card President Jean-Bertrand Aristide seems assured, the structures of control are in place and the country's economic dependency - at least in the short term, given the limited vision of the incoming Lavalas team - is more evident each day. [See p. 6.] Also, the recent troop deployment in Bosnia has already given the Republicans ample cannon fodder. Eliminating an "exposure" can only help in a campaign year. But the U.S. would not mind having its interests looked after by the U.N. "We would be very pleased," Schrager said. Parliament: Another Attack But while Schrager was trying to sound reassuring, there are reasons to be nervous. The day the National Assembly opened at a ceremony addressed by the president, Jan. 8, a third Deputy, Harry Marsan (Lavalas) of Port-au-Piment, was shot twice in the face. Also, parliament is majority Lavalas, but may not march in step. It has showed some signs of feistiness. At least some lawmakers have expressed reticence over approving a budget (12 billion gourdes or about US$750 million) which is 60 percent dependent on outside sources, and have also refused to approve at least one loan. Five More Years... Despite Republican harassment [see below], the U.S. is generally happy with the Lavalas victory; it's the best bet for its goals of calming the situation and keeping a lid on popular demands. But there are already signs that the population will not stand for five more years of the same policies, and two things are sure: Preval will not be as effective as Aristide in controlling their anger, and he will have no grace period. ATTACKS ON ARISTIDE PORT-AU-PRINCE, Jan. 13 - The Republicans and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) are taking final shots at President Jean- Bertrand Aristide as he heads out the door. Before Christmas, to pressure the president, Rep. Benjamin Gilman (R-NY) announced US$5 million of funding for police training would be held up. (The U.S. has so far spent US$20 million of a projected US$55 million.) Although some journalists said the move was due to police brutality, it was actually in response to Aristide's last-minute integration into the new National Police of about 1,500 Guantanamo-trained police, picked by Haitian and not U.S. officials [see also page 6]. Today, the Republicans backed down and released some funding, since the control of the new force is strategic and in the end, cannot be played around with. Parallel to that, in January before Congress, the FBI, which has been here since March, announced it had evidence linking the government to "political" murders. The Haitian government counter- attacked, claiming the FBI "has no legal jurisdiction" here and listing complaints about the way the FBI worked: not permitting attorneys to be present during questioning, never giving the government a written report, and so on. In fact, the FBI has admitted it has little evidence: only hearsay and that some murders were committed with the same gun. But the Republicans were only too happy to grab the FBI attack as one more bomb to lob into Bill Clinton's camp. GIRL KILLED BY POLICE AS PEASANTS DEMAND POWER GONAlVES, Jan. 11 - At least three people were injured and a young girl shot and killed by National Police yesterday when peasants from the Artibonite Valley blocked Route Nationale 1. The peasants had erected burning barricades blocking all traffic in both directions because Electricite d'Haiti (EDH) has not been supplying them with the electricity necessary to power the irrigation pumps for their fields. They said that, instead, the town of St. Marc has been receiving power. They had complained repeatedly through official channels and had blocked the road on Sunday for one hour, but "in the face of indifference from authorities," Commission Justice et Paix reported today, they decided to block the road. They said they are in the process of losing this year's crop. Justice et Paix's Father Daniel Roussiere was on the scene Wednesday, and said he had convinced the crowd to dismantle the barricades when "National Police, reproducing military methods... did not hesitate to shoot at person-level. Many shots were fired." Some people ran into a yard and as police chased them, shooting, one struck a seated girl in the eye, killing her. In response, authorities said one policeman was arrested, and that police should not use arms for crowd control. Justice et Paix demanded justice and that rights groups be allowed to review the new force to control "doubtful elements that have infiltrated." CONSTANT, DOSSIER STILL IN U.S. PORT-AU-PRINCE, Jan. 10 - Despite promises from the Pentagon, State Department and judges, CIA informant and leader of the CIA- linked death squad FRAPH (Front pour l'Avancement et le Progres Haitien), as well as the 160,000 pages U.S. soldiers seized from FRAPH and Haitian army headquarters, are still in the U.S. According to sources in the Haitian government, not only is the U.S. demanding the Haitians observe certain "conditions" in eventually using the pages (which will presumably have the names of U.S. citizens, Haitian-Americans, and U.S. informants blacked out), but it is also demanding Haitian authorities sign a document regarding security measures for Constant. The government has so far refused. Nevertheless, Constant could still arrive later this month. JEREMIE REPORT: IMPUNITY, HIGH PRICES & ANGER JEREMIE, Jan. 11 - Elections are over, and relative to the rest of the country, there was a high turnout here: 45 percent. But in this port, Haiti's sixth largest city, the population is preoccupied with other struggles. Prices Rise, Gov't Does Nothing During the fall, prices rose. Not only did the gourde fall, but a rarity of some products had devastating effects. Just before Christmas, a 100-lb. sack of sugar, which formally sold for 450 gourdes (about US$28), was 1,000 gourdes (about US$62). Gasoline, regulated at about 31 gourdes, was going for 75 (about US$4.60), thanks to an inadequate supply. With less gas, there was less electricity and transport prices rose, making produce more expensive to truck to market. The gas problem was caused partly by the terrible condition of the road, which some drivers now say they will not travel. It takes at least 12 hours to make the trip from the capital, and for much of the way, the road is rutted mud, fording rivers and climbing steep hills and mountains. It is often too narrow for two buses to pass. The government has been promising to fix the road for 15 months. Interviewed in December, the Grande Anse representative of the Ministry of Commerce, Ones Sevigne, parroted his Port-au-Prince boss and said he could not do anything. "They say we are the ones to control the high cost of living, but that really gives us a headache," he complained. "The population should understand that the government is applying a policy and we cannot deviate from that... If the government says it is liberalizing prices and we go and fix prices, we would be in contradiction with the government!" "The truth is that the population is very deceived," said recently elected Senator Maxim Roumer (Lavalas), who believes most Haitians did not vote because they have lost hope. "They thought that, in one year, the situation would unblock... but the high cost of living has become a real problem, and people do not know where this question is going." Corrupt Judge Releases Torturer People are also outraged over the release, in the middle of a December night, of Corporal Voltaire Dumas (known also as Marcelin Jean Frenel, the name of the person whose school diploma he used to get into the army.) Dumas was arrested on Oct. 14, after 14 of his victims brought charges themselves (despite government promises of supplying a lawyer). On Dec. 28, after they discovered he had been freed, they denounced Substitute Commissaire Nerette Bonnett for signing the release papers. (A rumor circulating claimed Bonnett accepted a 15,000 gourde bribe.) Bonnett claimed he was tricked into signing by his secretary, who denied it. Later, Port-au-Prince ordered his arrest and he disappeared. Like most judges around the country, Bonnett was in place throughout the coup d'etat and supported the regime. One of the victims is Luceano Jeudi, arrested at 1 a.m. on Jan. 20, 1992 (the day of Bill Clinton's inauguration) and given 50 blows with a club on each buttock. "For Jeremie people there is no justice," Jeudi said. "We've been fighting for it, but these days it is a commodity, sold just like rice or beans." OVER 20 KILLED DURING FORCED REPATRIATIONS PORT-AU-PRINCE, Jan. 10 - Hundreds attended yesterday's state funeral for 15 Haitians who died on Nov. 7 as they were being repatriated from French Guiana. A total of 16 refugees, along with the pilot, co-pilot and two French police, were all killed when the plane crashed near Belle Anse. Among those who spoke out yesterday were singer Farah Juste, Minister of the Tenth Department, who harshly criticized countries which mistreat and have been expelling Haitians. Father Gerard Jean Juste, her predecessor, denounced "the most powerful countries" and demanded the government take a stand, inspiring cries of: "Justice!" After the crash, 25 French organizations wrote an open letter saying they were "profoundly saddened to see France, which calls itself officially 'a friend of Haiti,' take such an active role in this chain of evil which touches the most unfavored of people." Five Refugees Die Near Border Five more Haitians died in a bus accident on Dec. 16 as they were being expelled from the Dominican Republic. Two dozen were hurt. They were all construction workers who had been arrested in the capital reportedly for not having legal papers. According to Haitian Ambassador Guy Alexandre, who spoke on the radio this week, at least 500,000 Haitians live in the D.R., and most are not "legal." The Joaquin Balaguer government has repeatedly used Haitians as a scapegoat in response to domestic problems. It also has been accused of attempting to destabilize Haiti by repatriating thousands at key times, like during the first months of Jean-Bertrand Aristide's term in 1991. OCCUPATION'S "GOOD DEEDS" PORT-AU-PRINCE, Jan. 8 - The "good deeds" of the occupation were in the news again this month. Two U.N. soldiers - both from Pakistan - raped a young woman in the Central Plateau in December. The man who reported it was subsequently threatened, offered money (as was the woman), and was also roughed up by the soldiers. The soldiers were first transferred north, but then this week the U.N. said they had been arrested for being involved in "prostitution" and were sent home. (Under the terms of the occupation, U.N. soldiers cannot be prosecuted here.) There have been reports of rapes and "prostitution rings" organized by U.N. troops in other regions, notably Les Cayes. This incident was denounced by the Mouvman Peyizan Papay (MPP) headed by Chavannes Jean-Baptiste. Ironically, Jean-Baptiste, who currently heads President-elect Rene Preval's transition team, just requested that U.N. troops remain in Haiti another six months. PRIVATIZATION: WILL ANYTHING CHANGE ON FEB. 7? PORT-AU-PRINCE, Jan. 9 - As the new year opens, privatization is still a burning topic. On Radio Haiti Inter today, Prime Minister Claudette Werleigh said she remains open to the option. "We see that different options exist," she said. "Perhaps we will see that in some [state enterprises] we're losing too much money." However, Werleigh also said that some enterprises were strategic, and that the government should keep control of them, and said that next week, her government will meet with the multilateral and bilateral "donors" who are demanding "structural adjustment" and withholding money because of the government's stalling on privatization. Werleigh admitted that her government's dependency on their money makes it weak, but thinks there is maneuvering room. More crucial still is the position President-elect Rene Preval will take. Preval, who has repeatedly noted that many enterprises went from being deficit-producing to making hefty profits while he was Prime Minister, has already revealed troubling attitudes. In a recent interview with Agence France Presse, he said he would not cater to "ultra-liberal" pressures, but also noted that the cement and flour companies, closed down by the putschists, need investment, and said: "Wouldn't it be better to look for private capital instead of using state money which could serve for something else?" But while Preval was supposedly speculating and Werleigh supposedly hoping, the Jean-Bertrand Aristide government and the U.S. Agency for International Development (U.S. AID) moved ahead with the privatization agenda, signing in December an US$800,000 contract to hire a firm to "explain what privatization does," according to AID. AID and the government are talking to a Canadian group, Gervais Gagnon Covington Associates, about the campaign. Haiti already has one office, created by presidential decree in July, 1995, dedicated to pushing privatization: the Unite pour la Democratisation des Entreprises Publiques (UDEP). UDEP has sponsored campaigns and published pamphlets pushing "democratization," which, according to the decree signed by Aristide and six of his ministers, is: "privatization... a transfer of all or part of the property." With two propaganda machines in place, waffling and no apparent deviation from its predecessor, it is hard to believe the new government will be willing to turn its back on privatization. [Some information from Inter Press Service] FRANCE: WORKERS AGAINST LIBERALIZATION FRANCE - The formidable social mobilization which took place in France during December shows that the people and workers there are not ready to accept the structural adjustment policies that the neoliberal dogma invariably demands. It is highly significant that this massive strike movement happened in one of the most capitalist and industrialized countries, and where the government, in reference to all the other great capitalist states, is certainly one of the most reserved about the dominant ultra- liberal thesis. Less than 30 years after the big revolt of May, 1968, when ten million strikers totally paralyzed the country, workers, students and the population in general spread out into the streets by the hundreds of thousands to oppose the liquidation of social conquests that were paid for with long, hard struggle. The demands of liberal Europe, particularly regarding budget deficits and monetary stability, drove the French government to adopt a contra-reform plan, totally contradictory with the electoral promises made by Jacques Chirac only a few months earlier, in order to meet the "Criteria of Convergence" defined by Brussels. In the face of the impressive popular mobilization, the French government stepped back and called labor unions to a "social summit." Without being able to predict the results of the summit, notably when one considers the nature and limits of the concerned unions, the French revolt has two objective consequences. First, it has seriously perturbed the European bourgeoisie specifically and international capital generally. The social explosion is a formal denial to the reassuring rhetoric on "the end of history" and a reminder of a simple truth: wherever there exists oppression and exploitation, the people will never stop struggling for their liberation. The globalized market is terrified by the idea that this movement could be repeated in other big capitalist countries. In addition, it came at the right time. When the neoliberal ideology is spilling all over the world, making the future of its populations dependent on the dictates of the markets, it gives back hope to millions of oppressed and exploited people and shows them that the only alternative is to struggle. Popular Culture & Struggle: JOUDLAN (JANUARY 1) The culture of the Haitian people is very strong. Many elements trace back to Africa. It also has a few indigenous aspects, because when Africans arrived, they became allies with the indigenous people through their common suffering. In the relationship of domination that existed between the slaves and their masters, the Spanish and the French, there was battle as well as interchange and influence. All those elements should be added to what Haitians have created themselves. Over the past two centuries, the strength of the Haitian culture has enabled it to fight off foreign influences better than others in the region, but it remains under assault. This column will explore that and other aspects of popular culture and struggle. In Haiti, many dates are celebrated for many reasons. One is January 1, "joudlan" ("day-of-the-year"). It is traditionally the day children put on the nicest and newest clothes to go and wish their relatives well, and to wait for little presents. It is the day everyone wishes one another "Happy New Year" and best wishes. Family members who live in the cities traditionally go back home to the countryside. Also on Jan. 1, people often make a big pot of pumpkin soup. Some say that tradition came from the French colonists, who would not allow slaves to consume pumpkin since, according to them, pumpkin was their color, so only they had the right to eat it. Jan. 1 is also the anniversary of the country's independence, the epitome of the Haitian people's pride. But that pride, along with other aspects of Haitian life, is disappearing little by little. For instance, lately children visit their relatives less, in part because they no longer receive presents, and because their parents do not have money to buy them new clothes each year. Instead, they stay in the capital, go out until late on Dec. 31 and sleep in the next day. Also, high bus fares make reunions impossible. Old and young people do not wish one another "Happy New Year" because the years go by and nothing changes. There is not much to be "happy" about because each year is more difficult. Many merely say, "Thank you, God," for waking to see another day or for having good health. Most families are split up, with many in the big cities and the capital trying to eke out a living, and the rest "andeyo" or countryside ("outside"). It is clear that the loss of tradition and sentiment comes, in part, from the general degradation of social conditions. People are consumed by the struggle to survive and, in addition to lacking means, have less and less energy to devote to traditions or the enjoyment of life. The independence question is a difficult one because, although in the years 1987 and 1988 the popular movement had a strong anti- imperialist, and specifically anti-U.S. imperialist, character, today the country is under a U.S. military occupation with the approval of the government. Therefore, it is not surprising to see many who, because of the difficult situation and the confusion the government has created, continue to celebrate the occupation and take pro-imperialist positions. But for them to be reintegrated into the anti-imperialist fight, a strong effort at the level of ideological struggle is necessary in order to be able to convince all who still do not understand that the biggest enemy of the Haitian people is imperialism. Since imperialist interests are in charge within the country, it is imperialist ideology that is dominating and threatening to poison all aspects of Haitian life, including culture. Special: 1995 - THE YEAR IN REVIEW With the return of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in an all too familiar demagogical climate, the Haitian people began 1995 with hope that things might begin to change. In fact, Aristide had objectively joined up with imperialist interests in order to recover his power, and made people believe that U.S. imperialism had changed its nature: going from being an enemy to becoming a friend of the Haitian people, ready to help them overcome their situation of poverty and underdevelopment. This illusion was reinforced by the first actions of the occupation troops - electricity 24 hours a day, street clean-ups, etc. - making people think there would be change. In fact, it was a ruse, and today, as time passes, people are beginning to realize things are not so easy and simple, and that behind all the demagogical discourse about the "friends" of Haiti, "democracy," and "development," the people's interests - in Haiti and all over the world - will always be in antagonistic contradiction with imperialism. The president began JANUARY on a promising note, having just shocked his U.S. handlers by announcing the end of the Armed Forces of Haiti. In a New Year's speech he called for peace and acknowledged the need for justice, but placed a priority on the clarion call of the past ten weeks: reconciliation. The demands for justice were already inescapable. On Jan. 10, a man injured by the CIA-linked death squad FRAPH (Front pour l'Avancement et le Progres Haitien) when it attacked the Sept. 30, 1994, march as U.S. soldiers stood by, died, bringing the death toll to at least six. Hundreds marched in Les Cayes on Jan. 11 to demand justice for the 1992 murder of 21-year-old teacher and student Jean-Claude Museau. On Jan. 24, after weeks of protests and complaints, Justice Minister Ernst L. Mallebranche resigned. Three months had brought only promises, some "complaint bureaus," and the announcement of a "Commission for Truth and Justice." Also during January, the government opened a Ministry of Women's Affairs at former army headquarters. The Dominican Republic expelled 62 Haitians, the Bahamas announced it would soon deport some 800 refugees per month and the U.S. forcibly repatriated most of the 4,000 refugees still at the U.S. base at Guantanamo. A wave of anti-corruption protests swept the country, with hundreds demanding the "de-macoutization" of the public administration. On Jan. 30, the Haitian government met in Paris with the misnamed "Consultative Group" - their tutors from the U.S. government, the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and other bilateral and multilateral "donors" - to report on the progress of the neoliberal reforms promised in Paris in August, 1994. In FEBRUARY, the nature of the occupation became clearer. Across the country, ex-soldiers, FRAPH members and thugs attacked citizens as the troops mostly stood by, saying "policing" was not their job. In some places, their "job" was clear: they openly harassed organizations like the Mouvman Peyizan Papay (MPP). The Interim Public Security Force (IPSF), made up of 3,000 ex- soldiers, was repeatedly criticized because it had abusers in its ranks and provided little assurance. In Cap-Haitien, demonstrations caused IPSF to run away, leaving the region completely under control of the occupation troops. On Feb. 3 the National Police Training Center opened. The goal for 1995 was running 7,000 cadets through four-month training courses under the supervision of ICITAP, the International Criminal Investigations Training Assistance Program, set up by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and other U.S. government agencies to train Latin American police forces. ICITAP had complete control: screening applicants, organizing courses and hiring professors. On Feb. 7, the anniversary of Jean-Claude Duvalier's fall and Aristide's inauguration, the government organized a celebration stressing "peace" (with white doves, free tee shirts, caps, posters and a radio campaign) where Aristide promised the impending arrival of over a billion dollars in "aid" and acclaimed the "light of democracy" shining throughout Latin America. The managed events contrasted sharply with the spontaneous and widespread celebrations in 1991. On Feb. 23 and 24 in the capital, people demonstrated and painted graffiti to protest the visit of ex-President Jimmy Carter, here to promote elections, for which the U.S. government promised US$12 million. Slogans called him "false democrat" and denounced his deal-making with the putschists. In MARCH the elections machinery went into action, despite continued terror: an MPP driver and an ex-deputy, Eric Lamothe, were shot to death. Part of the mechanism was the Organisation Internationale de la Migration (OIM), funded here entirely by the U.S. Agency for International Development (U.S. AID). By March it had offices all over Haiti and projects with over 600 "community organizations" and was teaching people "about participation in a democratic form of government." The neoliberal machinery also rolled on. On March 7 Aristide hosted yet another business delegation, this one squired around by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott. But at the same time, the first echoes of an anti-privatization movement were heard when six unions from state enterprises signed a March 4 declaration. Also, on March 13, Solidarite Ant Jen (SAJ) and Veye Yo, two organizations with a national presence and known for their close relationship with Aristide when he was a priest at St. Jean Bosco, issued a press release denouncing the occupation and U.S.-style democracy project and calling for mobilization. On March 21, hundreds took to the streets of Cap-Haitien to protest privatization, the occupation and high prices. On March 29, at least 1,000 people marched to protest the high cost of living and to call for the resignation of Prime Minister Smarck Michel. Slogans and placards denounced neoliberal policies, blaming them on Michel and his ministers and pointedly exonerating Aristide. On March 31, the U.S. handed control of "Operation Uphold Democracy" over to the U.N. in a ceremony attended by Clinton. In the meantime, at meetings, in statements and in marches, organizations in the democratic movement stepped up activities significantly. Tet Kole Ti Peyizan Ayisyen and Mouvman Peyizan Nasyonal Kongre Papay (MPNKP), a spin-off of MPP, both held national congresses where hundreds of peasant leaders demanded justice, denounced neoliberalism and called for progressive, pro- peasant policies, but Tet Kole went further than MPNKP in pressuring the Aristide government and casting doubt on the elections process. In APRIL, insecurity continued. The headline-grabber was the double-murder of putschist lawyer Mireille Durocher Bertin and Eugene Baillergeau Jr., pilot for coup-leader Lt. General Raoul Cedras. Immediately, U.S. Republicans used the murders to reach two objectives at the same time: attack Aristide whose return they never accepted, and also attempt to tarnish his mentor, Clinton, in the eyes of the U.S. public. In what appeared to be a timed move, U.S. newspapers announced the discovery of "hit lists" and plots. Aristide denied the accusations, but also invited the FBI in to investigate the crime, causing considerable consternation. Protests against government policies continued. A teacher's union threatened to strike if salaries were not raised 300 percent. (Incredibly, all employees of the corrupt judicial system were awarded 300 percent raises as part of the "reform" being paid for and run by U.S. AID.) Haitians began to take to the sea again. The U.S. Coast Guard picked up and repatriated over 200 refugees. Election preparations continued, but on Apr. 3, Anselme Remy, president of the Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP), denounced U.S. control. (The U.S. and U.N. were overseeing 94 percent of election funding.) Some parties, many of them coup-backers, began to denounce preparations as "unconstitutional" and "biased," but nonetheless, over 11,000 people signed up as candidates. In reaction to criticism from the bases and no doubt in an attempt to maintain his popularity as election approached, Aristide took some initiatives like his Apr. 30, televised meeting with several hundred peasant leaders where he announced the formation of a land reform institute, called for disarmament and hinted that neoliberal pressures were not his fault. MAY began with bad news for workers. On May 7, with the approval of a presidential Tripartite Commission (private sector, government and representatives from yellow unions), the government announced a new minimum wage of 36 gourdes per day, or about US$2.57. (In January, 1996, worth about US$2.25.) The government also hosted more two meetings aimed at furthering the neoliberal agenda: for the first time the "Consultative Group" held court here, and some 400 local and foreign business people attended a meeting where the government pleaded with them to invest. At the close, it awarded management of several ports to infamous putsch- backers: the Brandt, Mevs and Bigio families. After demonstrations and protests, teachers were finally promised 120 percent pay hikes. Another struggle also paid off: on May 11 students of the Cap-Haitien Law School announced their institution would soon become part of the State University system, ending its long-ambiguous status. On May 10, FRAPH head Emmanuel Constant was finally arrested in the U.S., despite the fact that the U.S. embassy had denied he was in U.S. territory. In the same way that Col. Albert Pierre ("Ti Boule"), one of the heads of the political police under the Duvaliers, was spirited out of the country in 1986, Constant had "escaped" with a U.S. visa. The pile-up of evidence against FRAPH had forced the U.S. to switch from being an ally and supporter to calling FRAPH "an illegal and anti-democratic organization." Although the U.S. promised to hand Constant over, no date for such a move was announced. Two events brought together hundreds from the democratic and popular movement. At the Assemblee Populaire Nationale's third congress, 500 delegates and others denounced the military occupation, neoliberalism, the lack of justice and the elections. Hundreds more attended the International Conference Against the IMF at the state university, with lectures, a concert and workshops, where local and foreign speakers called for mobilization against the government's neoliberal policies and similar policies worldwide. The elections planned for JUNE 25 were the focus of the month, the culmination of millions of mostly U.S. taxpayer dollars, hundreds of hours of propaganda and scores of visits by foreign politicians and technocrats coming to see if everything was going as planned. Despite the feverish efforts, the day was characterized by low turnout (30 to 65 percent), evident irregularities, the destruction of ballots, and attacks, including the murder of a candidate in Jeremie. The Lavalas platform handily won most of the over 2,000 seats. Most other parties, including those who supported the illegal and fraudulent elections held by the de factos, criticized the process. The U.S. administration and international community, while recognizing the inescapable irregularities, nevertheless approved the process and gave a clear response to the press and Republican critics that their agenda held and the process would move forward. On June 5, the Organization of American States gathered for a five-day general assembly which was mostly repeated self- congratulations and pledges to uphold "democracy" and free trade. The gathering was important for Clinton and the U.N., which sponsored the return of Aristide and "restoration of democracy," to show that things were on track, even if it cost the country over US$2 million. In the meantime, the government declared June "Month of Justice," but as predicted, it was merely the ninth month of occupation and impunity. Not one criminal of the coup era had yet been tried or convicted. On the last day of the month, and unbeknownst to the victim's family, friends and lawyer, a court in Les Cayes demagogically rushed through an in absentia judgment against a soldier involved in the Museau murder. Also this month, criticism of the Truth Commission broke out into the open, raising more doubts about its ability to advance the cause of Justice. On June 28, the U.S. got what it wanted: the first contingent of police cadets left for the U.S. after Haiti "agreed" to send them there for half of their training. JULY was full of protests against the elections from the losers, and protests from workers, peasants and others against the government, impunity, the high cost of living, the occupation and neoliberalism. On July 14, Tet Kole attacked neoliberal policies that were hurting peasants and demanded justice. Residents at the General Hospital went on strike for six days to protest low wages and deplorable conditions. A few weeks earlier, nurses aides protested their low wages (about US$60 per month), and nurses threatened to strike. They had not yet received the raises promised in March. The new president of the World Bank, James Wolfenson, visited and, as Aristide showed him around La Saline and sang his praises, he promised a US$50 million loan was on the way for manual labor jobs. Aristide got the crowd to chant: "Immediately! Immediately!" [As of Dec. 31, 1995, it had still not been disbursed.] Another show of demagogy took place up the hill at an international colloquium on "democratic transitions" where intellectuals debated transitions from dictatorships to democracies. Nowhere was the occupation on the agenda. Also in July, ironically, the Haitian government signed an agreement allowing U.S. AID to release another US$18 million for its much-criticized "democracy enhancement" projects, through which U.S. government-funded "non"- governmental organizations intervene into the democratic movement. On July 28, the sixtieth anniversary of the 1915 U.S. invasion, students in the capital met and organizations released statements condemning the U.S. presence, but participation was not as widespread as in earlier years as a result of the confusion created at the level of the masses by Aristide's collaboration policies with U.S. imperialism. Also, on July 22 and 23, hundreds of peasants and their supporters and friends from across the country gathered in Jean Rabel to commemorate the eighth anniversary of the massacre of over 100 members of Tet Kole. At meetings, an evening of music and dancing, in a mass and at a march, people remembered the victims, spoke about peasant rights and resoundingly demanded land reform and justice. On AUGUST 13, 41 makeup election races where held. Most of the political parties and "particles" boycotted the event, but the U.S. government, needing a smooth "transition" for foreign policy as well as domestic reasons, continued to support the process. Singer Joseph Emmanuel "Manno" Charlemagne assumed office as mayor of Port-au-Prince and started by bulldozing dozens of illegally built warehouses and depots in the port. Also this month, "Zimbabwe" (Gerald Gustave), a low-level henchman, was sentenced to a life of forced labor for his involvement in the Sept. 11, 1993, murder of Antoine Izmery. But despite the conviction, the first of a coup criminal in person, criticism of the lack of justice continued to mount. Authors of such heinous crimes remained at large. The numerous commemorations for the August 29, 1994, murder of Father Jean-Marie Vincent called repeatedly for justice and for the changes to which he had dedicated his life, like land reform and a literacy program. The university erupted in protests over a Ministry of Education symposium that would have paved the way toward undermining that institution's struggle for autonomy and democracy, and could have undermined the future of public higher education in general. Student associations and a coalition mobilized teach-ins and a march, the symposium was postponed, and the rectorate, which had lent its support to the initiative, resigned. In other mobilizations, on radio programs, in press releases and articles, workers continued to protest privatization and low wages. But the government moved forward with neoliberal policies. In an August 15 report to the public, Michel announced the need to begin longer term "structural adjustment program" (SAP) reforms, including privatization, in order to qualify for some US$180 million in "SAP credit loans." Aristide claimed he was unaware things were moving so quickly on privatization, but two days later, perhaps hoping to quell the growing protests, he came out publicly for privatization (which he had called "democratization") and read a long statement where he claimed his government does not "lie or engage in demagogy" and also explained that the state "does not have enough money to make a series of businesses work." Despite the move, protests spread in SEPTEMBER with seminars, marches, press releases, and television and radio programs. On Sept. 1 and 7 in Cap-Haitien, with burning tires, barricades and confrontations with police, hundreds protested. On Sept. 4 in the capital, about 1,000 people marched against privatization, on Sept. 12, over a dozen popular organizations signed a note protesting the occupation, neoliberalism and impunity, and calling for a massive march on Sept. 19, the anniversary of the invasion. About 1,000 attended. As pressure built, Aristide this month announced he had not signed any document promising to privatize, and on Sept. 5 hosted a highly publicized meeting with leaders of state enterprise unions and some popular organizations who criticized adjustment and privatization. Notably absent, however, were many of the organizations who had been active in the anti-privatization movement. Also during September, denunciations of corruption within the government increased. An electric company union leader announced that 50 percent of power is stolen, citing one thief by name: businessman and coup backer-turned-Lavalassien Fritz Mevs. Workers at the tax office and Interior Ministry went public to expose dirty dealings and in St. Marc, popular organizations closed the port, saying it was the site of massive smuggling. On Sept. 11, the anniversary of the Izmery murder and the 1988 attack on Aristide's church (St. Jean Bosco), popular and ti legliz groups gathered to commemorate the attacks and condemn impunity, privatization and opportunism in the government, calling for mobilization. The government unveiled two monuments to the victims. On Sept. 30, the anniversary of the coup, the government hosted commemorations and ceremonies, while people around the country held marches and protests. Known FRAPH member, hitman and accused rapist Marcel Morrisaint was released from custody on Sept. 4 and almost certainly fled to the U.S. He was a long-time CIA employee and had a valid U.S. visa. The conviction and sentencing to life in prison of 18 people in absentia, including ex-Col. Michel Fran ois, did little to slack the people's thirst for justice. Lastly, counter to its contradictory pledges to follow "free market" policies and promises to help peasants, and in response to protests over the high cost of living, in late September the government organized the import of two boat-loads of U.S. rice to be sold at special low prices. The move further undercut local rice farmers who were already reeling from high input prices and a recent cut in protective tariffs to 3 percent. Also this month, an estimated 100 refugees died when they were thrown off a boat near the Bahamas. The second round of elections passed practically unnoticed on Sept. 17, preparing the way for the presidential race. In OCTOBER, relations between the Haitian and U.S. governments were strained as Michel resigned and the government stalled moves toward privatization. On Oct. 15, the president hosted a gala celebrating the anniversary of his return. U.S. Vice President Al Gore and U.N. Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali attended, but Gore issued a warning: hold presidential elections and continue "adjusting" or no "aid," mentioning "Aristide's commitment" in Paris, perhaps in an attempt to keep the president from continuing to dodge his responsibility. Two days later, parliament opened and, as a direct consequence of popular pressure, Michel stepped down, clearing the way for Claudette Werleigh, current Foreign Affairs Minister and Aristide's first choice for the spot a year ago. In the meantime, the movement against neoliberalism continued with a sit-in in front of parliament, press releases and meetings. In the north, students demonstrated because school still had not yet opened and professors had not been paid for months. Also this month, it was revealed that U.S. soldiers had seized over 60,000 pages from FRAPH headquarters last year. The news caused outrage in many quarters. The Haitian Senate sent a letter denouncing the U.S. action to 39 foreign parliaments. Also, it was becoming more and more evident that there were problems with the new National Police Force, who were being cited for their repeated use of "excessive force." As NOVEMBER began, the news augured more disappointments ahead. The gourde continued its descent, bottoming out near five U.S. cents. Despite some factory openings and temporary minimum wage job programs, the economy remained stalled and dependent on "aid" contingent on neoliberal reforms. Exports were low while imports, including an increase in luxury items, remained high. At the same time, the U.S. announced it would hold up some US$4.6 million it had promised due to the stalled privatizations. In this atmosphere, on Nov. 7 Werleigh was sworn in after extensive questioning by parliamentarians on her plans for justice and economic reforms. That same afternoon, two Lavalas Deputies were gunned down, one killed and the other seriously injured. The population, a virtual powder keg after 13 months of being denied justice, reacted all over the country, taking to the streets, the airwaves and attacking the homes of known supporters of the coup d'etat and others opposed to change. At a mass on Nov. 12, Aristide seemed to have found his St. Jean Bosco tone, demanding the U.N. carry out the disarmament he said they promised and calling for people to assist them, resulting in a second wave of activity. People searched houses, set up barricades and continued to demonstrate. In Gonaives, three demonstrators were shot, perhaps by U.N. troops. Gonaives citizens also captured and killed a former FRAPH member. Three others were killed in the Les Cayes region, from whence both Deputies hailed. In Cap-Haitien, thousands took to the streets on several occasions, erecting burning barricades and demanding justice. The speech clearly revealed the contradictions Aristide was finding hard to manage: his government's decision to remain dependent on U.S. aid and U.N. troops, and his need to acknowledge and deliver on the demands of population, which was obviously losing its patience. He pleaded with his tutors: "Count on me and show me that I can count on you... I need you, you need me." However, the international and local establishments - the U.N., the U.S. government, business associations - immediately criticized and even attacked him, saying he went too far. At the same time, organizations in the democratic movement also criticized him, saying the appeal came late and in a too spontaneous manner. Another politician heard from this month was Charlemagne, who denounced corruption in the National Palace and throughout the public administration, and attacked the elite for not paying taxes. He also oversaw his second demolition: the destruction of dozens of restaurants constructed illegally on public land. The other news was preparations for presidential elections. After Aristide hinted he might claim the three years he spent in exile, a small movement spread: graffiti, posters and demonstrators all demanding: "Three more years!" Others firmly reprimanded the president for entertaining ambiguity on the question, and for his continued ducking of responsibility on policy issues. The U.S. and U.N. also immediately showed their disapproval, but for different reasons: they wanted to end the Aristide era and set up a "stable environment" for investment and a U.S.-style democracy. At the last minute, Aristide bowed out, backing former Prime Minister and Lavalas candidate Rene Preval, whose slogan was "Lavalas for five more years!" Preval trounced the other 13 candidates in the DECEMBER 17 race, winning over 87 percent of the votes, but in an election where only 29 percent of the population voted. As the year wound to a close, the stakes had become clearer: The U.S. machinery of control and repression was more and more exposed: FRAPH chief Constant appeared on CBS's 60 Minutes to confirm what was already known: he was a CIA agent, and the CIA was aware of the Oct. 11, 1993, demonstration which "scared away" the U.S.S. Harlan County and opened the final phase of the coup era, characterized by brutal, FRAPH-led repression and which strengthened U.S. hegemony and paved the way for the occupation. The Nation reported that with the invasion, CIA operatives had fanned out across the country to recruit new agents, and that U.S. forces worked closely with FRAPH members. Finally, it was revealed that U.S. soldiers actually seized and sent to the Pentagon a total of 160,000 pages from FRAPH as well as Haitian army headquarters last year. The pages and Constant had become embarrassing for the Clinton administration. It agreed to return the pages, but only after the names of U.S. and Haitian-American citizens were blacked out and terms for their usage were set. The weakness and dependency of the economy had become inescapable. The gourde was low, unemployment overwhelming and prices high. Despite all the steps the Aristide government took to liberalize the economy and make the country attractive to the market, foreign investors were still hesitating and the announced flow of capital still had not arrived. And although hundreds of millions of tied "aid" had come in, increasing the country's dependence and which the Haitian people will be paying for in one way or another, a great deal was to pay off old debts, more for "high intensity labor" programs which do little, and most of the rest for programs designed and implemented with specific goals in mind: total integration of the country into the global market through liberalization, with the effect of the total anihilation of national sovereignty. As 1995 closed, all of the people's demands - for justice, dignity, participation and sovereignty - remained unanswered. Many organizations in the democratic and popular movement spent 1995 trying to reconstruct themselves against difficult odds, mobilizing with marches, meetings, seminars, publications and press conferences. The victory of Lavalas, which was generally welcomed by the bourgeoisie and imperialism, does not promise much change. If Preval is serious about "Lavalas for five more years!" that means five more years of impunity, dependency and impoverishment. If 1995 was presented as the year of hope and change which quickly became the contrary, the people, deceived and disillusioned, would have learned from their own experiences and from how much they have paid that there is no savior able to lift them out of their condition of misery and exploitation. What remains now is to understand that their fate is in their hands, and that only conscious and organized action can open the door to a better future. 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