* * * HAITI INFO * * * News direct from the people and organizations of Haiti's democratic and popular movement 29 June 1996, Vol. 4, #17 *** HAITI INFO now has photos in every issue *** Contents: ELEMENTS OF A CONJUNCTURE UPDATE ON JUSTICE: ANTOINE PASSES THE BUCK THE END OF THE COMEDY MEDICINES POISON KIDS World of Labor: MORE ILLEGAL FIRINGS Box: Declaration of the reflection-seminar: "NEOLIBERALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS" Close-Up: LAVALAS NEOLIBERAL POLICY REJECTED Stories: ELEMENTS OF A CONJUNCTURE PORT-AU-PRINCE, June 28 - With growing accusations of corruption in the government, anger at impunity, and incertitude over parliament's impending consideration of laws that will finalize Haiti's neoliberal policy and win it IMF approval, there is a troubled atmosphere that is being exploited by many forces from different sectors, including the so-called center-right and center-left, characterized by their opportunism, and the ultra- right wing... Ex-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, after a two-week foreign tour, chose this moment to come out of the shadows to fix his position on various subjects in a two-hour interview on the state television and radio. He insisted, over and over, on what he considers a "big diplomatic victory," Oct. 15, 1994, clearly evoking his return, but not mentioning that it was made at the price of the country's military occupation and a total abandon of Haitian national sovereignty. Aristide also touched on the current hot topic when he announced a structural adjustment policy (SAP) "will not bring peace, so we need to think about it a lot." Saying it would bring unrest and increase refugees, he opined: "It is for the good of the rich countries that poor countries should say 'no.'" That is his own personal way (unclear, parabolic and allegorical) of asking parliamentarians to oppose the SAP. It would all sound very nice if the neoliberal policy, with the SAP and privatization, etc..., had not been initiated by the Aristide government as one of its engagements in exchange for his return to the National Palace. Accusations of Corruption The two-hour intervention was also an occasion for Aristide to respond to a series of accusations of corruption where he or his administration has been implicated. In a 12-page letter, Sen. Jean-Robert Sabalat last week denounced a "shady" transfer of about US$3.3 million from a US$20 million grant from Taiwan to Haiti to the benefit of Aristide's orphanage and asked for a senate inquiry. Eleven other withdrawals, including for "Alpha pour le developpement" and "Alpha," for US$2 million and US$1 million, also need to be "aired," Sabalat said. While drawing a conclusion is difficult given a lack of elements, the fact remains that Aristide counterattacked, saying such accusations come from "vagabonds" and "little politicians" trying to divide people. The scandals have provided cannon fodder to the political "class." This week Serge Gilles, of PANPRA (Parti National Progressiste Revolutionaire Haitien), took to the airwaves to decry corruption and to demand an "ethics commission" be established. How ironic to hear "outrage" over corruption coming from a party that supported and provided the political cover for the coup d'etat where untold millions were stolen, where contraband flourished and where thousands were killed or maimed. While there is evidence of corruption in the Lavalas administrations, someone like Gilles has no right to comment. Not to be left out, last week CONACOM (Congres National des Mouvements Democratiques), pronounced that the Rene Preval government was "a failure," and other "parties" also continue to produce the usual malicious press releases every few weeks. Ex-soldiers March and Menace Another inevitable characteristic of the conjuncture is the increasing impunity. It undoubtedly contributed to the eight cases of "popular justice" in the capital during the week of June 16-22. Also, on June 18 another off-duty policeman was assassinated, bringing the toll of officers killed to eight. The government's evident dismissal of the justice question also accounts for the outrageous arrogance of the over 300 ex-soldiers, accompanied by FRAPH members, who marched on June 19 with signs, banners and a band. The "sons of the nation," as they called themselves, demanded back salaries and pensions. The fact that these men, who at a minimum should stand trial for their participation in the three-year reign of terror, feel free to threaten the government and sing the virtues of the Haitian Armed Forces is typical of the troubled conjuncture. UPDATE ON JUSTICE: ANTOINE PASSES THE BUCK PORT-AU-PRINCE, June 28 - For three hours on June 20, Minister of Justice Pierre Max Antoine and Francoise Boucard, former head of the Commission of Justice and Truth, tried to explain why the commission's report on the crimes of the coup d'etat has not yet been released, and to justify and rationalize the continued lack of justice in Haiti. Although slated as a standard press conference, officials and members of non-governmental institutions and popular organizations packed the room, illustrating graphically the interest in justice and, for many, the anger at the government's inertia. Among those present were ex-Prime Minister Claudette Werleigh, representatives of the Platform of Haitian Human Rights Organizations, the O.A.S./U.N. International Civilian Mission, the Ecumenical Center for Human Rights, the Kolektif Mobilizasyon Kont FMI, and Human Rights Watch. Excuses, Excuses Boucard gave some details on the commission report, which contains testimonies from 8,650 victims and was handed to President Jean- Bertrand Aristide on Feb. 6, his last day in office. But, she said that since the commission no longer exists, she has no power to made the report public. (Chapter 8, the recommendations, has been distributed but the rest of the document, with sections that name criminals, has not been released.) During questioning, which lasted over two hours, Boucard stunned reporters when she said the truth commission has limits and will permit "a little step forward while at the same time blindfolding us," an admission she would never have made when she was trying to justify the extremely limited nature of the commission. [See back issues.] Antoine's presentation was basically a list of reasons there is no justice and why it is not his fault: no money, "all lawyers are thieves" and the laws are written for "big guys." He reiterated that his ministry and its budget were set up before he came in (he's not responsible), and said 74% of the money goes to police, which he called "a poisoned gift" (without explaining why or saying how he is attempting to find "an antidote"), and said that with only 6% "for justice in Haiti: now you see the problem." He immediately announced one effect of the lack of money: no money for the "reparations" promised to coup victims by Aristide, at least in this year's budget. Anyway, he noted, no amount of money can replace an eye or a loved one. During questions, Antoine either tried to ridicule the questioner (causing at least three journalists to get up and leave), or dodged questions, often blaming problems on the lack of funds, but never once noting the US$18 million U.S. government money for U.S.-run "justice reform." In fact, when asked about U.S. control, he sidestepped the question, trying to personalize it: "I am Max Antoine (a phrase he repeated at least four times that afternoon)... Nobody puts pressure on me!" Obviously he forgot the reality: not only is the U.S. running the "judicial reform," but, more shocking, it is "reforming" based on its Anglo-Saxon legal system ("common law"), totally different from Haiti's legal system, derived from Roman-German tradition ("written law"). Regarding corruption, he said there was "disorder" in the legal aid system but refused to clarify or name names: "The day I give it [information], I'll give it clearly." And regarding corruption in the Tribunal of the South department: "We are clear that there are thieves in there." But again, no concrete action or even promises of action. Regarding the commission report, Antoine said the reason it has not been distributed is the lack of money for photocopies. (Boucard, sitting at his side, disputed this.) He then said "international groups" could get copies on computer diskette, which brought protests, so he then said "anybody" can get it after some "corrections" are made. Conclusion: Don't Expect Much The conference sent a clear message. Although once known as a democratic lawyer (indeed, he was handling the cases of the assassinations of Jean-Claude Museau and Father Jean Marie Vincent, which appear to have been forgotten), not much can be expected from Antoine or his ministry. When a young woman asked about modernizing the state law school curriculum, for instance, he said he agreed, and that he, "Max Antoine," had repeatedly tried to give courses there, only to be blocked. But he did not explain what he would do now that he was minister. Instead, Antoine came up with all kinds of excuses: "There are serious problems. If you don't know them, you can say I'm sitting there without doing anything, but you don't know," and, a new one: "You know a minister only makes propositions." This week Assemblee Populaire Nationale (APN) gave a vivid example of Antoine's handiwork: one month after APN, police, and rights groups filed complaints regarding a judge who threatened APN members, journalists, and police, [see Haiti Info v.4 #15], Antoine has done nothing and the judge, "a former head Tonton Macoute under Duvalier," APN said, is still in his courthouse. As for press coverage on June 20, television was absent, the ultra-conservative Le Nouvelliste and the Lavalas cheerleader, Haiti-en-Marche, did not mention it, and radio did not give it a big play. That kind of cooperation may enable Antoine to maintain his charade a few months longer, but the Haitian people are losing patience, as recent episodes of popular justice have illustrated. THE END OF THE COMEDY PORT-AU-PRINCE, June 28 - After two years of leading the Haitian people along, the U.S. finally admitted what was predictable long ago. [See Haiti Info v.3 #16] U.S. authorities promised to return Emmanuel "Toto" Constant, an employee of the Central Intelligence Agency and the founder of the brutal paramilitary death squad, Front pour l'Avancement et le Progres Haitien (FRAPH), over and over (and in fact, is still saying it will, "at the appropriate time"). But on June 14, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) turned him loose, causing rights groups here to once again raise their voices and criticize not only the U.S., but also the Haitian government. Not only is Constant wanted here to answer for brutal coup d'etat- era crimes attributed to FRAPH, which was funded and armed by the U.S. government, but so are the 160,000 pages seized by U.S. soldiers from FRAPH and Haitian army headquarters early in the U.S. invasion in September, 1994, which the U.S. has also refused to return in full and in their original form. A Deal Was Cut Constant was released even though a U.S. judge approved his deportation to Haiti last December. He was fighting that by threatening to file a lawsuit. (He had fled Haiti in December, 1994, with a visa issued in Puerto Rico after his U.S.-backed attempt to parlay FRAPH into an "opposition" party did not play out [see Haiti Info v.3 #1], and was arrested in New York five months later.) The details around the release are not clear, but the political interests cannot be missed. At first an INS spokesperson said his agency was "required to release him'' since he had been in custody for six months with "no charges." However, his visa had been revoked, and so by previous practices, he should have been treated like all other "illegals": kept in jail or summarily repatriated. The INS said there were a "number of factors'' that had prevented Constant being deported, but Constant's attorney said there was a deal: Constant drops the suit for his release. That was not all, but, the INS said: "We are not discussing the particulars.'' Attorney Ira Kurzban, who works for the Haitian government, said he believes the release was "probably related to Mr. Constant's work for the intelligence community." Constant has repeatedly threatened to "tell all," a revelation the beleaguered CIA certainly would prefer to avoid. Finally, the U.S. State Department stepped in and said the repatriation would cause "instability." A spokesman made it clear Washington is calling the shots: "A decision was made that it is not in our best interests to deport him at this time." Rights Groups Outraged The Haitian government issued a lukewarm condemnation of the decision last week, but this week President Rene Preval came the closest he has to criticizing his tutors: "You can't develop justice with an obstruction of justice" and that the FRAPH documents could "shine light on certain crimes." Aristide was more cynical, saying "they are playing a game with us to demoralize us" and to "flatten the tires of the car of justice." Human rights groups and popular organizations are fed up and many blame both the U.S. and Haitian governments. On June 17, the Platform of Haitian Human Rights Organizations said the decision was "outraging," especially since the Haitian government has never showed a "whim of resistance" to the U.S. openly permitting "authors of flagrant violations... to benefit from their crimes" and said Constant's release, combined with the recent ex-soldiers' demonstrations, are "proof of the impunity assured by the U.S. to the networks of terror and the military-Macoute sector." It concluded urging the government to "break from the logic of submission" and to accept its responsibilities and answer the calls for justice, "one of the principle demands of the Haitian people." The National Coalition for Haitian Rights, based in N.Y. with offices here, last week condemned the U.S. for its "repugnant action" of releasing a "torturer... an affront to the dignity and honor of the Haitian people." On June 17, a dozen U.S. and Canadian members of Christian Peacemaker Teams, which has 4,000 members, held a demonstration where they symbolically carried boxes marked "FRAPH documents" from the U.S. embassy to the Palace of Justice. "We are ashamed of our government," the demonstrators told the press. They condemned U.S. "complicity," saying "God detests false balances" and demanded the repatriation of both Constant and the pages. In the U.S. today, Boston-based organizations protested at a U.S. government building, and on Monday the Washington Office on Haiti will submit to the White House a protest petition with signatures from at least 60 U.S. organizations. MEDICINES POISON KIDS PORT-AU-PRINCE, June 25 - At least 64 children have been poisoned by two inexpensive syrups made by Pharval laboratories, according to Minister of Health Dr. Rodolphe Mallebranche. Over half have died and most of the rest will probably not survive. The children were all taking Valodon and Afebrile, for fever, which apparently contained the toxic "diethylene glycol," causing their kidneys to shut down. The ministry has since outlawed to sale of the medicines. Today, Pharval, directed by Rodolphe Boulos, said it regretted the "tragedy." He said Pharval never uses that chemical and that its investigations so far indicate the chemical was not in their products, but in "pirate" versions, fabricated by "clandestine laboratories," which Pharval has repeatedly denounced to the government. Whether or not the poison medicines came from Pharval or some other lab, the incident is one more example of the complete lack of government regulation of the private sector in general, and of its incapacity to protect the population, especially the unfavored sectors. Medicines, sometimes expired, are sold by street-peddlers or in pharmacies which charge wildly varying prices, leaving the sick at the mercy of profitmongers. Pharval, one of the biggest pharmaceuticals firms here, was founded by Dr. Carlo Boulos, a Minister of Health for Francois Duvalier. Dr. Reginald Boulos, the brother of Rodolphe, is the director of Centres pour le Developpement et de la Sante (CDS), formerly the largest single recipient of U.S. AID health funding. Most CDS centers were closed earlier this year for unexplained reasons, but may open again in cooperation with the Ministry of Health. World of Labor: MORE ILLEGAL FIRINGS PORT-AU-PRINCE, June 26 - Worker activity has led to a number of illegal firings over the past few weeks. According to Batay Ouvriye, a workers' organization, Allied Assemblers (run by Andy Anderson, a leading member of the assembly sector) recently fired one worker and has a list of others it is threatening to let go, all because they have been discussing the need to organize. Vetements Textiles, run by Jean Edouard Baker, head of the Presidential Commission on Growth [see p. 1 of last issue], recently fired about 20 workers because they asked to be paid for Ascension. Finally, Batay Ouvriye said, Brocosa fired two workers and supervisor for organizing. Aksyon Katolik Ouvriye (AKO), meanwhile, reported that workers in Fabrique Nationale de Colles, which makes plastics and is run by the Mevs family, have filed a legal complaint against an armed security guard who beat them up when they tried to go and speak to a manager about something. Also, Kellwood, an assembly firm recently rewarded by its American central office for high quality work, just announced to workers that now they must maintain the same quality but increase the amount of work each day, or they'll be fired and replaced with the "many on the streets" waiting for work. Box: Declaration of the reflection-seminar: "NEOLIBERALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS" "Participants... reflected a great deal on why the Lavalas government chose this road that... puts to one side a series of fundamental rights of citizens" and noted: 1. The Lavalas government decided at the end of 1994 to apply the neoliberal plan, a "death plan big imperialist countries have decided and want to jam down the throats of all little countries on the earth..." 2. The objective of neoliberalism is not to "improve the living conditions of people or favor development, (in fact, it can't!)" but is rather "a response... to the crisis that the capitalist system has been in" since the late 1970s. 3. Neoliberalism has the same principles of the old "liberalism," and is a way of managing capitalism where "the market is the motor of all economic activities while the state plays the role of police" and that the only thing "neo" or new is "the degree of integration of the capitalist relations worldwide, what they call in their mystifying language, 'globalization' which is actually today's savage, violent form of managing capitalism." 4. With neoliberalism, there are actually two liberalizations: * External, which "allows foreign products enter freely into your country, without paying taxes, which is a catastrophe for national production," and which permits multinationals to exploit the country and send its profits "home," and, * Internal, where the state "pulls out of all economic activities, privatizes public services," and removes all barriers to capitalists. 5. All the changes are done in the name of "modernization" which means, "fire 25,000 state employees..., retire the state's responsibilities regarding economic and social rights... rights recognized in the 1987 constitution" like the right to life, to work, to housing, to education, etc. 6. "The modernization they are talking about instead has as its true objective to reduce the democratic demands and aspirations of the Haitian people, and make the political game a simple formal and institutional process based only on elections. In other words, the right of participation is not guaranteed. When the slaves go to vote for their masters, that does not eliminate the situation of masters and slaves. The police will come to play a repressive role, like the army." 7. "The government is hiding the real information on this subject. Instead, it's corruption, manipulation and co-optation all over. The press does not help people see clearly, and the majority of local authorities (magistrates) and many parliamentarians have already decided to support, eyes closed, the neoliberal plan." 8. "The government is not telling the truth when they repeat the clarion call of 'no alternatives'. There are many propositions... But the Lavalas power would rather believe in the role of 'salesman' that it is playing..." The assembly concluded: 1. "The Lavalas government's neoliberal plan will open the door to even more trampling on human rights in the country and will totally ignore the thirst for justice of the population after three years of coup d'etat." 2. "Human rights organizations should further integrate respect for economic and social rights into their work..." 3. "Human rights organizations should work together to make the government guarantee... access to information" especially the immediate publication, in Creole, of the accord the government has with the international financial institutions. 4. "Human rights organizations should work to support the people's right to participate. Meeting after meeting is held, plots upon plots are cooked up, and the people are increasingly mere observers. The Haitian people are the ones who should first know the consequences of the government's neoliberal plan, and who should first hear the explanations to justify the mayors' and parliamentarians' support of the death plan." 5. "Human rights organizations should organize more sensitizing activities... on the nature and consequences of the neoliberal plans of the government for social and economic rights." 6. "Human rights organizations should develop good relations with peasant, popular, and women's organizations to combat the government's neoliberal plan." 7. "At the same time we denounce all the pressure on and blackmail of parliamentarians, we ask them not to vote for the neoliberal plan and measures. Despite the bad orientation of his program, you still voted for Prime Minister Rosny Smarth. Today you should refuse to march down the route of selling the country, of trampling on the fundamental demands of the population." Close-Up: LAVALAS NEOLIBERAL POLICY REJECTED While government officials rush to finalize the agreement with the International Monetary Fund [see last issue], organizations in the democratic and popular movement are not sitting back to accept the so-called "passage obligee" or "obligatory step." Instead, at a three-day meeting hosted by the Platform of Haitian Human Rights Organizations, representatives of over two-dozen popular groups, a dozen human rights, women's and socio- professional institutions, and two Latin American visitors met in a "reflection-seminar" entitled "Neoliberalism and Human Rights." The outcome of the meeting - where over 50 delegates broke into two work groups: one that looked at the neoliberal economic measures planned for Haiti, and a second at the consequences and how base groups and the human rights sector can fight them - was clear: a firm rejection of the government's neoliberal policy and a determination to struggle together against it. [See extracts of the Declaration on page 3.] Visitors Ideas and Responses The meeting opened on Sunday, June 16, with introductory addresses by Father Hugo Trieste, General Coordinator of the Platform, and by Luiz Perez Aguirre of Uruguay and Joao Whitaker Ferreira of Brazil. Father Trieste explained that the Platform has decided to focus on economic and social rights because the neoliberal plan being forced on the Haitian people "touches the first right of all human beings, which is the right to life," but, he concluded, "we are not alone" and "change is possible." Aguirre, from Servicio Paz y Justicia (SERPAJ) of Uruguay, said poverty is a "sickness" produced by capitalism. "So what is neoliberalism?" Aguirre asked the audience. "In two words, [it] is not 'the end of history,' as some affirm, but an end to capitalist accumulation." The effects to his country, which applied "orthodox" neoliberalism, have been devastating: all private banks are now in foreign hands, 30% of export earnings service the debt, almost half the budget goes to "security and police," while education and health get only 32%. It has the highest unemployment, the highest debt per person and the lowest growth in the region, he said, ending: "Voil the consequences of neoliberalism!" Aguirre concluded by calling for mobilization, but said "we do not immediately see the solution." That inspired criticisms from several participants who disagreed with his overall resignation and focus on "poverty." Whitaker, a member of the Worker's Party in Brazil, talked about the environmental degradation due to neoliberalism: garbage from the over-consuming north and also from the transfer of heavily polluting industries to exploited countries. He also spoke of the importance of the mass media in promoting consumption. In Brazil, the world's tenth largest economy, 30 to 40 million out of 150 million consume, and the rest are left out, with 32 million under the poverty line. "Something is not working," Whitaker said. Regarding "alternatives," Whitaker cited Cuba's economic independence, but then said that "in the global village, it is impossible not to integrate... It is inexorable." He instead made abstract propositions: networking, "horizontal organization" and exchanges to "reconstruct the social tissue." Like Aguirre, Whitaker offered interesting facts, but concluded with a pessimistic and defeatist vision which provoked harsh criticism from the audience. Rather than fighting neoliberalism, he advocated trying to minimize the damage, and spoke of the experiences of his party in Sao Paolo, where it held City Hall for a term. However, he admitted perhaps more than he had planned when he said that after four years, the right-wing got control and in three months, "destroyed what we had done." Seminar Participants Very Positive Chenet Jean-Baptiste, General Secretary of the Platform, said the seminar as a success: "The reflections were very rich." Jean-Baptiste said participants made a number of recommendations to the human rights sector regarding the necessity to inform people of their rights, which he thought was positive, and also noted that it was the first time a series of "accompanying institutions" sat down with base groups for such an exchange of information and ideas. The Platform will be publishing two documents resulting from the seminar: one with the alternatives discussed, and a second with background papers. The Platform will also undertake to document violations of economic and social rights and hopes to organize more seminars: "The subject will be a priority for the Platform for the coming year... More meetings, discussions, elements of reflection, but above all, systematic information work." An organizer with Aksyon Katolik Ouvriye (AKO), an organization that accompanies workers and unemployed people, said the meeting was "a very good initiative" because he had heard a lot of discussion about neoliberalism before, but did not fully understand it and its consequences. "More people will understand the importance of taking a position on those policies," he said, and added that the most important thing for him was: "Learning and accumulating facts and understanding a series of economic concepts... seeing what is in store for us... and being able to use that information to make more people understand." The organizer said the discussions and exchanges over strategies were also important, and that reviewing history showed that "since the fall of Jean Claude Duvalier they have been putting peons into place" and setting up neoliberal structures here. Now the Platform needs to do the follow-up it promised, and the groups that attended need to see how they can work together, he said. AKO will continue studying the reality of neoliberalism and its manifestation among the masses, and on worker's rights, which do not exist under neoliberalism, especially in the growing "informal sector," he said. A women from Chandel ("Candle"), a popular organization founded in 1989 which focuses on popular education, thought the seminar was positive because "it was the occasion for many popular organizations and institutions to reflect" together. "Habitually, organizations reflect themselves. Chandel can reflect with its members... but when you put all the human rights institutions together with all those popular organizations, I think it is a good experience because it makes us see things more clearly," she said. "Many ideas are exchanged and it is very enriching." One concrete result, she said, was that those attending realized there should be "a little team, we can't say 'platform,' because we did not agree with that word," that can determine "what should be done." "Things were discussed, but I will not say them because they are strategic," she said. A member of Solidarite Ant Jen (SAJ) said: "We think it is interesting to link it to the human rights question..., because they always perceive of human rights in terms of political and civic rights... They never talk about social and economic rights." The young man said working together to "produce a reflection and develop a collective understanding" was very important. Another crucial aspect were the discussions on the need to expose individuals and organizations who say they are against neoliberalism, but are part of the government, "like, for example, CRESFED [Centre de Recherche et de Formation Economique et Sociale pour le Developpement], an institution which is a member of the Platform, and we know the Platform is very clearly against neoliberalism, yet the entire senior staff of CRESFED is in OPL [qganizasyon Politik Lavalas] and is supporting the neoliberal plan... It was necessary that we air out these contradictions... so people are not confused!" ABOUT HAITI INFO: * Haiti Info is published every two weeks in Haiti by the Haitian Information Bureau, an alternative news agency, and is edited by a group of committed individuals from democratic and popular sectors. * All articles Copyright HIB. REPRINTS ENCOURAGED. Please cite Haiti Info and send copies of usage. * Haiti Info is available by mail, and electronically via computer. 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