WEEKLY NEWS UPDATE ON THE AMERICAS ISSUE #344, SEPTEMBER 1, 1996 NICARAGUA SOLIDARITY NETWORK OF GREATER NEW YORK 339 LAFAYETTE ST., NEW YORK, NY 10012 (212) 674-9499 1. Violence Explodes in Costa Rican Port Protests 2. No "Pantomime": Mexican Guerrilla Group Attacks 3. Reactions to Newest Mexican Rebels 4. Pentagon: Mexico Might Welcome US Intervention 5. Other Mexican Rebellions: Land Seizures, Protests, Elections 6. Bolivia: Campesinos March as Rio Group Meets 7. Another General Strike in Paraguay 8. Colombia: Rebel Offensive, "Red Cross" Tear Gas, Uraba Alert 9. Cuba, US Face Off in Diplomat Spat 10. In Other News: Venezuela, Chile, Ecuador & Uruguay ISSN#: 1084-922X. The Weekly News Update on the Americas is published weekly by the Nicaragua Solidarity Network of Greater New York. A one-year subscription (52 issues) is $25. To subscribe, send a check or money order for US $25 payable to Nicaragua Solidarity Network, 339 Lafayette Street, New York, NY 10012. 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If you know someone who might be interested in subscribing, send their email (or regular mail) address to nicanet@nyxfer.blythe.org and request a free one-month trial subscription to the Weekly News Update on the Americas. Feel free to reproduce these updates, or reprint or re-post any information from them, but please credit us as "Weekly News Update on the Americas," and include our address so that people will know how to find us. Send us a copy of any publication where we are cited or reprinted. We also welcome your comments and ideas: send them to us at the street address above or via e-mail to nicanet@nyxfer.blythe.org CHECK OUT OUR WEB SITES: http://homebrew.geo.arizona.edu/wnuhome.html http://homebrew.geo.arizona.edu/nsnhome.html *1. VIOLENCE EXPLODES IN COSTA RICAN PORT PROTESTS At least one person was killed and several injured on Aug. 27 when Costa Rican police used violence against protesters and merchants took up arms against looters in the Caribbean port city of Limon. Judicial Police identified the dead person as 17-year old Cipriano Perkinson Guzman, who authorities said was shot dead by a local merchant when a group of looters attacked a shopping center. The merchant, identified as Ying Kit Lee Tse, told police he acted in self-defense when looters broke into his Restaurant Centuli. Lee was questioned and released. Judicial spokesperson Margarita Morales said some 30 looters broke through the metal doors of the restaurant and were inside the establishment when the owner opened fire. Under Costa Rican law, Lee within his rights to fire on the intruders. Another looter was also wounded during the incident, according to Limon police spokesperson Miguel Ramirez. Morales said dozens of people were arrested during the disturbances, and local television Channel 7 reported that three others were wounded. For two straight evenings, local TV showed flaming overturned cars being used as barricades and heavily-armed police ducking as gunfire sounded though the streets. Nine people were injured and 35 suffered the effects of tear-gas inhalation on Aug. 26, according to Red Cross officials. San Jose daily La Nacion reported on Aug. 31 that two people had been killed in the violence of Aug. 26 and 27. The looting reportedly began on Aug. 26 when police in riot gear began clearing streets that had been barricaded by thousands of local residents who took to the streets in a general strike. The strike was called by local unions and community organizations, grouped in the "Limon in Struggle" movement, which is demanding government action on healthcare, education, housing and jobs and is protesting a recent government decision to grant concessions to 14 private companies to run the Limon port facilities [see Updates #342, 343]. [Reuter 8/27/96; Tico Times (Costa Rica) 8/30/96, electronic edition; La Nacion 8/31/96, electronic edition; Diario Las Americas (Miami) 8/29/96 from AFP] The port workers have been staging intermittent sit-down strikes at the docks. [Inter Press Service 8/29/96] The stevedore unions are reportedly demanding that if the ports must be privatized, the concessions should be awarded to four companies under union control. Port workers oppose a government proposal to set their monthly minimum wage at the equivalent of $330, and are fighting proposed legislation that would modify article 121 of the Constitution to allow the privatization of the nation's roads, airports and ports. Limon is Costa Rica's principal port, handling about 80% to 85% of its shipping cargo. [Tico Times 8/30/96; La Nacion 8/31/96] Workers at the Tony Facio hospital also participated in the strike, attending only emergency cases. The hospital workers ended their strike on Aug. 30 after reaching a separate agreement with the government. The union representing the hospital workers is one of 57 organizations making up the Limon in Struggle movement. [La Nacion 8/31/96] Both government officials and representatives of "Limon in Struggle" blamed the looting on "common criminals" taking advantage of the climate of conflict to break into stores and other establishments, reported La Nacion. [Tico Times 8/30/96] Limon in Struggle committee president Danilo Powell also blamed the government for the violence, because it has failed to address the committee's concerns in the more than four months since they were first presented. [IPS 8/29/96] A tense calm returned on Aug. 29 after police beefed up their already sizeable presence in Limon, and the calm was maintained through Aug. 30. [Tico Times 8/30/96, La Nacion 8/31/96] On the morning of Aug. 30, after the Limon in Struggle movement concluded an assembly in the Eddy Bermudez gymnasium, a group of Limon residents marched through the center of the city to express their support for the movement's demands. The protesters approached the docks but were turned back by police. The Limon in Struggle negotiating committee demanded the renewal of talks with the executive branch of the government, which said it was willing but under certain conditions. [La Nacion 8/31/96] Government negotiators broke off talks abruptly on Aug. 29 after refusing to withdraw the proposed constitutional reform on privatization. The government continues to demand that that negotiators of the Limon in Struggle committee have full decision-making powers, and that the talks be held in the church in the town of Siquirres, about halfway between Limon and the capital, San Jose. Roberto Cantillo of the committee said negotiations were expected to be renewed by early on Aug. 31, but insisted they would be held in Limon. [La Nacion 8/31/96, 8/24/96; Diario Las Americas 8/31/96 from AFP] On Aug. 26, the Costa Rican Commission for the Defense of Human Rights warned that the situation was explosive in the province of Limon, where unemployment is as high as 40%. The Commission warned that the danger was heightened by the heavy presence of a police force seen by local residents as "a white foreign army." [In Costa Rica, as in most of Central America, the Caribbean coast population is primarily of African descent.] In addition, the Commission pointed out that police are using large calibre weapons which could cause great harm. There are rumors that the danger is even greater because many individuals have weapons due to the influence of drug trafficking in the region. [IPS 8/29/96] Meanwhile, a poll taken by the University of Costa Rica of 1,000 adults from different areas of the country shows that 60% believe President Jose Maria Figueres is "incompetent." [DLA 8/24/96 from AFP] *2. NO "PANTOMIME": MEXICAN GUERRILLA GROUP ATTACKS On the night of Aug. 28-29 more than 130 heavily armed members of Mexico's rebel Revolutionary Popular Army (EPR) carried out coordinated actions in as many as seven southern and central Mexican states. The actions included quick but lethal raids on military and police posts, which resulted in up to 15 deaths, according to conflicting official accounts. The bloodiest incident occurred near the tourist center of Santa Maria Huatulco, on the Pacific coast of the southern state of Oaxaca, where some 80 guerrilla soldiers attacked a naval installation and the offices of the federal police and prosecutors at around midnight. The government reported that nine people died: two agents of the preventive police, three members of the Navy, two civilians killed in the crossfire and two of the attackers. Two hours earlier some 50 EPR members attacked and trashed the town hall in Tlaxiaco in western Oaxaca, killing at least two, possibly three police agents. The EPR also attacked police and military posts in Guerrero, northwest of Oaxaca, leaving two dead; the raids hit Tixtla, Ciudad Altamirano, Petatlan and Acapulco, one of Mexico's main tourist attractions. One more police agent died in Mexico state, west of the federal capital district, when the EPR attacked Huixquilucan, Papalotla and Texcoco; the EPR reports that three soldiers from the Mexican Army also died. The group blocked-- briefly and without violence--the highway from Tuxtla Gutierrez to San Cristobal de las Casas in the southeastern state of Chiapas, home of the better known rebel Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). [La Jornada (Mexico) 8/30/96, electronic edition; Mexpaz Analysis #87, 8/30/96, "Heartbeat of Mexico"; New York Times 8/30/96; Washington Post 8/30/96] Unofficial sources report rebel actions in other areas: an attack on a military base near the city of Oaxaca, the seizure of a radio station in Villahermosa, capital of the southeastern state of Tabasco, shootouts in the central state of Guanajuato and an assault on a Federal Electricity Commission plant in Nueva Necaxa, Puebla, southeast of Mexico City. [LJ 8/30/96; Mexpaz Analysis 8/30/96] The offensive confirms claims EPR leaders made in interviews printed by two left-leaning publications, the daily La Jornada and the weekly Proceso, on Aug. 25 that they were a real guerrilla organization with "fresh forces" in reserve--not a "pantomime," as the government had claimed. The interviews were carried out in a rebel safe house "less than three hours from the center of Mexico City...in the Mexico Valley area." "Commander Vicente" and "Commander Oscar" told reporters that the Mexican Army now had 23,000 troops tied up in Guerrero to counter the EPR. [LJ 8/25/96] The military is stretched thin, according to Roderick Camp of Tulane University in New Orleans; a disproportionate number of soldiers were already stationed in Chiapas to contain the EZLN. [El Diario-La Prensa (NY) 9/1/96 from AP] The Army, Navy and Air Force have about 175,000 active- duty troops [see Update #207]. *3. REACTIONS TO NEWEST MEXICAN REBELS The attacks were clearly timed to embarrass Mexican president Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon right before the traditional Sept. 1 state of the nation address, for which Zedillo planned an upbeat message about revival from the devastating recession that began in December 1994. The stock market opened under heavy security on Aug. 29, and fell by 2.23%. "It wasn't a day of panic," one stock analyst said, "but the investors were upset. In the last two weeks the government said it had identified the members of the armed group and that their field of action was very limited. Last night's actions don't fit that view of the problem." [LJ 8/30/96] The peso remained fairly stable at a little less than 7.5 to the US dollar, but even that worries some people. Analysts told the Mexican business daily El Financiero that the free-floating peso is overvalued and that the government may have to step in soon to devalue it. [Diario Las Americas 8/31/96 from EFE] On Aug. 29 under-secretary Arturo Nunez of the Governance Secretariat read a communique acknowledging what most analysts had already known: that the EPR is connected to the Clandestine Revolutionary Workers Party Union of the People-Party of the Poor (PROCUP-PDLP), a group going back to the 1970s guerrilla movement led by the late Lucio Cabanas Barrientos in Guerrero. Just after midnight on Aug. 30, Cabanas' brother David Cabanas and alleged PROCUP-PDLP leader Felipe Martinez Soriano were transferred to the maximum-security Almoloya de Juarez prison from the Northern Penitentiary, where they had been held since 1992 in connection with a 1990 break-in at the La Jornada offices that left two security guards dead. [LJ 8/30/96] The military is reportedly asking the government to suspend civil rights "in specific zones where the presence of subversive groups is suspected," applying Article 29 of the Constitution for the first time since it was adopted in 1917. [LJ 8/31/96, electronic edition] Governance official Nunez charged that several legal radical groups were "mass front groups" for the EPR, including the Southern Sierra Campesino Organization (OCSS) of Guerrero and the Emiliano Zapata Democratic Front of Eastern Mexico (FDOMEZ), based in Hidalgo in the Huasteca Mountains. [LJ 8/30/96] The Governance Secretariat has also tried to implicate the Broad Front for the Construction of a National Liberation Movement (FAC-MLN), which originally had links to the EZLN. Guanajuato governor Vicente Fox, the likely presidential candidate of the conservative opposition National Action Party (PAN) in 2000, charged that the EPR was connected to El Barzon, a militant organization of middle-class ranchers and business people who can't pay their debts. (El Barzon responded to the EPR actions by postponing a planned sit-in at the stock exchange, to avoid confrontations.) Sen. Felix Salgado Macedonio of the center-left Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) laughed off charges that he was in the EPR, saying that he had bad feet and "wouldn't do" as a soldier. The legal left groups have all denounced the EPR's attacks, while expressing sympathy with the group's anger at the government. [LJ 8/31/96] Cuauhtemoc Cardenas Solorzano, a PRD founder and past presidential candidate, stressed the dangers to civilians in the EPR's actions, but blamed the violence on the government's failure to resolve the economic crisis. "The people don't want armed confrontations--the people participating in the actions don't, and neither does anyone else," he told reporters on Aug. 29. "Widespread violence" would be the result if the government opted for a military solution. Cardenas was the first politician to dismiss the EPR as a "pantomime" when it appeared publicly on June 28. Asked about the characterization now, he said: "Aside from the fact that I can be wrong in an assessment, it's not important." [LJ 8/30/96] The EPR got some sympathy even from one of the raids' victims. "I blame the government for this," Carmella Altamirano told the Associated Press as she waited for the body of her husband, one of the two civilians killed in Huatulco. "The people are poor. The government promises, but it never follows through." [WP 8/31/96] *4. PENTAGON: MEXICO MIGHT WELCOME US INTERVENTION "We condemn these attacks," US State Department spokesperson Glyn Davies told reporters on Aug. 30 in reference to the EPR's Aug. 28-29 actions. "Nevertheless, it is important to stress that the US does not consider these acts a threat to Mexico's political or economic stability." [LJ 8/31/96 from AFP, DPA, quotations retranslated from Spanish] On Aug. 26, just two days before the EPR's actions, ultra-conservative senator Jesse Helms, who heads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, finally ended his opposition to the shipment of 20 used UH-1H "Huey" helicopters to the Mexican military this year, although he says he still opposes the scheduled shipment of another 53 in 1997. The helicopters are supposed to be used against drug trafficking operations. [LJ 8/27/96, electronic edition] The Pentagon did a special intelligence study of the situation in Mexico shortly after the EZLN rebellion started on Jan. 1, 1994. The report was released in December 1995 in response to a Freedom of Information request by independent journalist Jeremy Bigwood. US military intelligence was asked to rate the terrorist danger to the US from Mexico. The report listed the risk as "medium," the same as for Guatemala and Honduras; for comparison, the risk in Belize was "insignificant." Three paragraphs were devoted to the "probable scenario" for the deployment of US troops in Mexico. Two paragraphs indicated that "[d]ue to the history of Mexico-US relations it is highly improbable that the Mexicans could look with favor on the presence of US forces in their territory." But "[i]t is conceivable that an eventual deployment of US troops in Mexico might be received favorably if Mexico's government confronted the threat of being overthrown as the result of widespread economic and social chaos." The third paragraph was censored. [LJ 8/31/96] *5. OTHER MEXICAN REBELLIONS: LAND SEIZURES, PROTESTS, ELECTIONS While guerrilla attacks stole the headlines, other Mexicans seemed to remain in a state of permanent, if less violent, confrontation with the government. On Aug. 17, 120 campesinos seized the ranch of Amador Alfonso near the town of Morelia, in EZLN-held territory in Chiapas. This continues a long process of taking over ranches whose wealthy owners fled when the EZLN rebellion started. In late 1995 Morelia's Tzeltal campesinos voted to establish a new village on land deserted by the hated Kanter family; the village is named January 7, in honor of three Morelians killed by the Mexican Army in the January 1994 offensive against the EZLN. Many Chiapas landowners have given up all hope of recovering their old holdings; they are trying to get EZLN approval for a plan where they would formally cede ownership to the campesinos and then get compensation from the government. [Michael McCaughan, Irish Times, 8/20/96, reposted by Nuevo Amanecer Press] On Aug. 24, the historic village of Tepoztlan, in the state of Morelos, a short drive from Mexico City, celebrated the first anniversary of its overthrow of the local Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) mayor in the course of a struggle against a planned golf course. A week later thousands of villagers drove away Morelos state troopers and blocked the construction of the golf course (which Luis Reynoso, bishop of nearby Cuernavaca, called "a gift of God that fell from heaven to Tepoztlan"). The local Tepozteco Unity Committee (CUT) then held unofficial elections for a new municipal government. A year later golf course construction remains suspended and the CUT government is still in power, although without funding from the state. Morelos and the CUT are negotiating over the possibilities for new, state-approved municipal elections. [LJ 8/25/96] Meanwhile, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, newly elected president of the center-left PRD, is pushing for his party to make a good showing in Guerrero's Oct. 6 local elections, for 42 state legislators and 76 mayors. Lopez Obrador, who has promised to bring the PRD out of its electoral slump, plans to visit every municipality, despite the heavy military presence, bringing along other national PRD leaders. He says the party must use the elections to promote grassroots organizing and needs to consult with local people to select the best candidates. (Some analysts attribute many PRD losses to unpopular candidates selected by the party hierarchy.) The PRI-run state government is reportedly buying votes with provisions of soap, sugar and beans. Lopez Obrador suggested that the PRD electoral brigades should tell people: "Take the provisions, but vote for the PRD." [LJ 8/25/96] On Sept. 8, a week after Zedillo's state of the nation address, Civic Alliance (an election monitoring group) and other civic groups will hold the "First National Day of Condemnation of the Government's Economic Policies." The groups will set up tables in plazas around the country and take down testimony on the policies' impact on ordinary citizens, who will also be asked to vote on lowering the value-added tax (IVA). Civic Alliance will tabulate the responses to produce an analysis. [Mexico Update #87, 8/28/96; Civic Alliance questionnaire posted by Nuevo Amanecer Press 8/30/96] *6. BOLIVIA: CAMPESINOS MARCH AS RIO GROUP MEETS On Aug. 27, between 500 and 1,500 Bolivian indigenous people and campesinos set out from the city of Santa Cruz on a 900 kilometer march to the capital, La Paz, seeking a new agrarian reform law and other gains. The march is sponsored by the Indigenous Confederation of the Bolivian East (CIDOB), the Only Union Federation of Bolivian Campesino Workers (CSUTCB) and the Bolivian Settlers Union Federation. The protesters' principal demand is for passage of the proposed National Agrarian Reform Institute (INRA) law in the form in which had been previously approved in a consensus process; they are also demanding that the government grant them identity documents; direct political participation not through the mediation of political parties; the official designation of indigenous territories in national parks; participation in the enforcement of the Forest Law; creation of a fund for indigenous development; and the incorporation of farmworkers into the General Labor Law. [Inter Press Service 8/28/96, 8/23/96; Summary of Bolivian evening media for 8/28/96 from the Bolivian Ministry of Social Communication web site] When the march began, indigenous and campesino leaders were meeting in La Paz with high level government officials to work out a solution to their demands. A day earlier, the leaders had met with President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada. [IPS 8/28/96] The wildcat decision to start the march--adopted by the marchers at an assembly on the night of Aug. 26--came as a surprise to their leaders on the negotiating team. But the campesinos, many of whom had already spent a week getting to Santa Cruz from rural areas for the scheduled march, felt that the results of the dialogue were insufficient. The negotiations were promptly called off on Aug. 27 after the decision to begin the march was announced, and the negotiators rushed off to Santa Cruz to report on the progress of the talks and try to dissuade the marchers. [Diario Las Americas 8/29/96 from EFE; Morning media summary 8/28/96] The government warned it would not dialogue under pressure, and it too quickly sent a team of cabinet ministers on Aug. 30 to try to persuade the marchers to give up their protest and renew the negotiations. The marchers announced they would not suspend their action, but would take a brief "intermission" to hear out the negotiators. [Morning & evening media summary 8/30/96] On their route, the campesino marchers plan to stop halfway between Santa Cruz and La Paz in the city of Cochabamba, just as the Rio Group of 13 Latin American nations is holding its 10th summit on Sept. 3 and 4 there. The government seems panicked that the campesinos may disrupt the summit: foreign minister Antonio Aranibar Quiroga asked the campesinos "to not reach the extreme of carrying out a march that goes against the interests of the country, attempting to make it coincide with the Rio Group summit." [Morning media summary 8/28/96] A number of other groups of campesinos from across the country are also joining the march; some plan to meet up with the Santa Cruz marchers in Cochabamba and then continue on together to La Paz, while others plan to bypass Cochabamba and head straight for the capital. [Evening media summary 8/28/96] President Sanchez has ordered the Governance Ministry and the National Police to take precautions to guarantee national security during the summit. "We won't allow attacks against Bolivia's good image or against the normality of the international meeting," warned Governance Minister Carlos Sanchez Berzain. [Morning media summary 8/27/96] The summit is especially important to the Bolivian government because it hopes to get the participating nations to back Bolivia's candidacy for one of the rotating seats on the United Nations (UN) Security Council. The other Latin American nation competing for the Security Council seat is Costa Rica, whose president, Jose Maria Figueres, is unable to attend the Rio Group summit this year. [Morning media summary 8/30/96, 8/26/96] "If the government doesn't want a blemish on the Rio Group summit or greater conflicts with the campesinos, all it has to do is respect its determined promise," warned Homeland Conscience (CONDEPA) deputy Ricardo Paz. "For two years it was discussed and a consensus was finally reached on the INRA law, and at the last minute the Executive has changed the terms of the law," said Paz. [Evening media summary 8/28/96] More than 1,000 Bolivian coca growers from the Chapare region of Cochabamba department plan to begin a march on Sept. 2 to the city of Cochabamba in support of the indigenous and campesino demands. The decision to support the campesino march was made in an emergency assembly by the five Federations of Chapare Producers. The marchers plan to arrive in Cochabamba in time to present their demands at the close of the Rio Group summit, and then to continue on to La Paz. [Diario Las Americas 8/30/96 from EFE] According to coca growers union leader Evo Morales, the government's modifications of the agrarian reform law would be especially harmful to the coca growers. [Evening media summary 8/28/96] Coca producers from the Central de Eterazama, located about 190 kilometers from the city of Cochabamba, charged that on Aug. 26 some 50 heavily armed troops of the notorious Mobile Rural Patrol Unit (UMOPAR) raided a legal coca market there. Coca producers leader Delfin Olivera said the raid was intended to "intimidate the cocaleros" into cancelling their scheduled march to La Paz. [Evening media summary 8/27/96] The issue of drugs is to be a topic at the Rio Group summit, where the participating nations plan to pressure drug consuming nations--namely the US and some European countries--to support crop substitution efforts with clear and concrete projects, instead of fighting drug trafficking with largely unsuccessful interdiction efforts. [El Diario-La Prensa 9/1/96 from AFP] The US seems not to be welcome at the summit: the Rio Group ad hoc committee organizing the summit--led by Bolivia--denied a US request to allow US ambassador to the United Nations (UN) Madeleine Albright to meet with the Latin American foreign ministers on Sept. 2 in Cochabamba. The delegation headed by Albright wasn't even invited to the cultural activities organized for the summit. [Morning media summary 8/30/96] Coca growers union leader Evo Morales emphasized that Bolivian campesinos share the same concerns as campesino coca growers in Colombia and Peru: an end to the policy of forced drug crop eradication demanded by the US government. Morales said that through intense struggle, the Bolivian cocaleros managed to get the government to commit to paying $2,500 for each hectare of coca eradicated in a "consensual [manner] without the use of herbicides." However, the producers say that the program to substitute coca for alternative crops has failed because of a lack of markets for the new products. According to Morales, the solution to the drug problem requires addressing the US and European demand for drugs that pressures the supply; and creating markets for the substitute products. [ED-LP 9/1/96 from AFP] In related news, Morales charged that between Aug. 25 and 26, helicopters providing logistical support for anti-drug operations in Cochabamba dropped several canisters containing unidentified chemical substances. [Morning media summary 8/28/96] Meanwhile in Bolivia, some 700 union delegates elected a completely new leadership for the Bolivian Workers Central (COB), the country's largest union federation, at the COB's 11th national congress held Aug. 29 in Cochabamba. Former COB general secretary Oscar Salas, accused of having made a pact with the current government, was disqualified from running by a change in regulations. The new general secretary is mining union leader Edgar "Hurricane" Ramirez, who headed the "radical" slate and was supported by the militant rural and urban teachers unions. Ramirez will head the federation until 1998. According to coca growers union leader Morales, the new COB leadership means more unity between workers and campesinos; Morales said the COB would participate in efforts to gain approval of the consensus version of the agrarian reform law. [Morning & evening media summary 8/30/96, 8/27/96] *7. ANOTHER GENERAL STRIKE IN PARAGUAY An eight-hour strike in Paraguay called by three union federations to demand 30% salary increases left at least 10 people injured on Aug. 28, according to police. The strike was called by the leftist Unitary Workers Central (CUT), the Church- based National Workers Central (CNT) and the rightwing government-linked CPT. Authorities said strike observance was minimal, while union leaders said it was around 70%. Police spokespersons said the injuries resulted from clashes with police and from rocks and fireworks thrown at buses. Three of those injured were police agents. Police used tear gas and fired into the air to disperse strikers, some of whom retaliated by throwing rocks. Demonstrators tried to march into a market area where stores remained open; a union leader was arrested for incidents at the market. This was the third general strike held this year against the administration of President Juan Carlos Wasmosy, who granted a 10% raise for workers last May but refused to consider a higher one. Strikers shouted slogans against Wasmosy, demanding his resignation and rejecting his government's "neoliberal policies." The strike rally in central Asuncion was supported by some 2,000 campesinos; the campesinos are demanding land and an end to police repression against those squatting on rural private properties. The campesinos are also seeking the release of some 200 campesinos jailed for land invasions. [Diario Los Andes (Mendoza, Argentina) 8/29/96 from AFP-EFE, Reuter; Diario Las Americas 8/30/96 from AFP, 8/29/96 from AFP] The government mobilized some 10,000 police agents to deal with the strike. Inter Press Service reports that strikers in rural areas set up roadblocks on highways and stopped the flow of traffic. [IPS 8/29/96] *8. COLOMBIA: REBEL OFFENSIVE, "RED CROSS" TEAR GAS, URABA ALERT An unprecedented national offensive against military targets by Colombia's two main guerrilla groups left 96 people dead in less than 24 hours on Aug. 31, according to official reports. The offensive was headed by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in cooperation with the National Liberation Army (ELN). [El Diario-La Prensa 9/1/96 from combined services] In other news, Red Cross officials in Colombia and in Geneva have protested the use by Colombian police agents of a vehicle disguised as a Red Cross ambulance to put down protests by coca growers on Aug. 23 in Florencia, in the southern department of Caqueta [see Update #343]. Television images showed police agents unloading tear gas canisters from the back of the truck clearly marked with the Red Cross symbol. The Red Cross insists that misuse of the symbol is forbidden by international law. National police chief Gen. Rosso Jose Serrano refused to condemn the regional commander in charge of the action. "I understand the position of the Red Cross," said Serrano in a TV interview on Aug. 25, "but I also understand that of the commander." [New York Times 8/26/96 from Reuter] In other news, paramilitary groups decapitated a youth on Aug. 22 in front of Gloria Cuartas, the mayor of Apartado and a key advocate for a negotiated solution to the violence plaguing the Colombian banana-growing region of Uraba. The US-based Colombia Support Network (CSN) charges that the murder is intended to force Cuartas to leave the area. CSN is asking for faxes to Defense Minister Juan Carlos Esquerra (011-571-222-1874) and Interior Minister Horacio Serpa Uribe (011-571-286-8025), demanding that the government protect Cuartas and other peacemakers and put an end to paramilitary activity in Uraba. Send copies to Colombia Support Network at PO Box 1505, Madison, WI 53701; fax 608-255-6621; email: csn@igc.apc.org; http://www.igc.apc.org/csn/ [CSN Urgent Action 8/27/96] *9. CUBA, US FACE OFF IN DIPLOMAT SPAT On Aug. 23 the Cuban government presented a collection of books and newsletters at a press conference as evidence of the "subversive activity" of US diplomat Robin Meyer, who was in charge of human rights issues in the political-economic section of the US Interests Section in Havana. "We have proof," said Foreign Ministry alternate spokesperson Marianela Ferriol, placing on the table a pocket edition of George Orwell's novel Animal Farm, used by Cuban dissidents to criticize the communist system. Other materials considered evidence of Meyer's subversion included copies of a magazine called Disidente, and publications titled "Dear Fidel Castro" and "Resource Guide for Transition in Cuba: Preparation for Freedom." The Cuban government canceled Meyer's visa, ordering her to leave the country by Aug. 22; in retaliation, the US expelled Cuban diplomat Jose Luis Ponce Carballo, spokesperson for the Cuban Interests Section in Washington. [Inter Press Service 8/23/96; Washington Post 8/20/96] *10. IN OTHER NEWS... Some 1.2 million public employees in Venezuela held a 12-hour strike on Aug. 28 to protest the government's failure to grant a promised salary increase. Carlos Navarro, general secretary of the Venezuelan Workers Confederation (CTV), the country's most powerful union, said the strike was well observed despite threats by the Labor Ministry that strikers would be punished. Navarro insisted the strike was legal and that workers could not be sanctioned; he announced that Caracas city employees would hold a march on Aug. 29 to press the strike demands. [Diario Los Andes 8/29/96 from AFP-EFE, Reuter] Police fired rubber bullets and tear gas against a group of about 150 strikers, including firefighters and health workers, who were blocking a main highway in Caracas. Witnesses said at least five protesters were injured during the clashes, which lasted about an hour. [Reuter 8/29/96]... Chile's National Confederation of Health Workers (CONFENATS) reported that 75% of its 40,000 affiliates took part in a national strike on Aug. 28 to demand better wages and a reorganizing of the health care system. The government declared the strike illegal, though CONFENATS president Humberto Cabrera called it a success, and urged other unions representing public health care workers to join strikes planned for late September. "If CONFENATS does this alone, then the government will totally defeat us," said Cabrera. According to Cabrera, the strike was justified because "the hospitals are unfinanced, there are no supplies, no medicines, the pharmacies are empty and the budget has been frozen since 1994." Public health centers serve 70% of the Chilean population. On Aug. 27, the day before the health workers strike, 5,000 Chilean teachers held a rally to demand a salary increase and a restructuring of the education system. On the same day, public works employees held a one-hour work stoppage. [CHIP News 8/26/96; Diario Los Andes 8/29/96 from AFP- EFE, Reuter]... Seven Ecuadoran campesinos, sentenced to 12 years in prison for an alleged ambush in December 1993 against military and police agents near the Colombian border, were acquitted by Ecuador's Supreme Court on Aug. 28. The judges ruled that the sentence imposed on the "Putumayo Seven" by a court in the eastern province of Napo was invalid. The lower court had argued that the seven were incriminated by their own testimony, while human rights groups claimed that the detainees' statements had been obtained through torture. [Inter Press Service 8/28/96] A number of priests and human rights advocates had begun a hunger strike on Aug. 28 outside the Supreme Court as it deliberated the case, to demand the release of the seven. [Diario Las Americas 8/30/96 from uncited wire service]... Uruguay's only union federation, the Inter-Union Workers Plenary-National Workers Convention (PIT-CNT), held a general strike on Aug. 30 in solidarity with high school students who are protesting the government's education reform plan [see Update #343]. Public offices, schools, banks and industry were completely shut down by the strike, and transport was greatly reduced. The strike was scheduled to coincide with the deadline set by education authorities for the students to end their occupations of schools. As of Aug. 30, students continued to occupy 20 schools in Montevideo and at least three more outside the capital. [El Diario-La Prensa 8/31/96 from AFP, 9/1/96 from EFE] END MISS our calendar of events? Check out the CREED NYC calendar at http://homebrew.geo.arizona.edu/creed.html (if you don't have web access, write to nicadlw@nyxfer.blythe.org for info). NOW AVAILABLE: The long-awaited Annual Update Index! Available for each year from 1991 through 1995. Ascii text versions free to subscribers via electronic mail. Send your request to nicanet@nyxfer.blythe.org NOW AVAILABLE: "Immigration in the USA One Year After Proposition 187," a Weekly News Update on the Americas special report, accompanied by a resource list and organizing leaflet. Ascii text version free to subscribers via email. Send your request to nicajg@nyxfer.blythe.org 1996 SOURCE LIST NOW AVAILABLE: A list of sources commonly-used in the Weekly News Update on the Americas, along with abbreviations and contact information. Free to subscribers. Send your request to nicanet@nyxfer.blythe.org